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Democratic 
Campaign Book 




1922 






THE PARTY OF SOUND PRINCIPLES 
AND POLICIES 

' 1 *HE Democratic party possesses today 
1 as much intelligence, statesmanship 
and patriotism as any political party that 
has existed throughout the history of our 
country. When we analyze the compre- 
hensive doctrines and policies for which 
our party has always stood and compare 
them with those for which the Republican 
party, as dominated by reactionary leader- 
ship, stands, the conclusion becomes appar- 
ent that ours is the only party that offers 
to every class of persons and of legitimate 
business, and to every section of the coun- 
try a complete national programme of 
sound and wholesome principles and pol- 
icies. — Cordell Hull, Chairman Democratic 
National Committee. 






Issued by 

The Democratic National Committee 

The Democratic Congressional Committee 

Washington, D. C. 

PRICE, TEN CENTS 





Questionnaire to Republican Senators 
and Congressmen^ VvJ^^ 5^" ^ 

Why did you vote for a tax law that untaxed the rich and overtaxed 
the poor? 

Why did you vote to relieve 20,000 big taxpayers, mostly profiteers, of 
excess profits tax and individual income surtaxes, amounting to an 
average of $30,000 a year and increase the tax an average of $600 a year 
on 20,000 small producing corporations? 

Why did you vote to relieve corporations doing business abroad from 
the payment of $300,000,000 a year in taxes, which provision was defeated 
by Democratic and progressive Republican votes? 

Why did you vote to relieve the wealthiest people in the country of 
over $500,000,000 a year in taxes and do nothing to relieve the small 
individual taxpayer? 

Why did you vote against the Democratic amendment to reduce the rate 
from 4 per cent to 2 per cent on individual taxpayers whose income is 
less' than $5,000? 

Why did you vote against the Democratic amendment to lower the sur- 
taxes on incomes up to $15,0007 

Why did you vote to reduce still further by 50 per cent the tax on the 
incomes of the big taxpayers, which attempt was defeated by Democrats 
and progressive Republicans? 

Why did you vote for the Fordney-McCumber Tariff bill in the interest 
of a special privilege class, including many profiteers, at the expense of 
agriculture and all other natural industries? 

Why did you vote for a profiteers' tariff bill which gives an estimated 
$6,000,000,000 protection and only an estimated quarter of a billion 
revenue to the government under the most favorable foreign trade con- 
ditions? 

Why did you vote for the Fordney-McCumber Profiteers' Tariflf bill 
estimated to cost the American people at least $4,000,000,000, an amount 
now equal to the total revenue required to run the government? 

Why did you vote to make the women of America pay $1,000,000,000 
more a year for their clothing than they are paying now? 

Why did you vote to cut down the appropriations for good roads in all 
the states from $100,000,000 to $75,000,000 with the country filled with 
idle men, and against the needs of the farmers? 

Where do you stand on the Administration's Ship Subsidy bill whereby 
it is proposed to sell $3,000,000,000 worth of ships, the best in the world, 
mostly oil-burners, for $200,000,000 and pay the purchasers a bonus of 
$750,000,000 in such a way that they can pay for the ships out of the 
bonus and have over a half billion dollars left? 

After the Senate had passed an amendment supported by Democrats to 
increase the appropriation for the use of Farmer Loan Banks $100,000,000, 
why did the Banking and Currency Committee of the House, controlled by 
Republicans, cut down the amount to $25,000,000 and keep it there when 
the farmers needed the money? Why did you vote against the amend- 
ment offered by a Democratic member of the House (Mr. Wingo of 
Arkansas) to fix the amount at $50,000,000? 

Why do you claim credit for the Budget, Farm Loan, Good Roads, 
Maternity, Agricultural Loan, Grain Futures, Veterans' Bureau, Packers' 
Control, Cable Control Acts and other remedial legislation, when you 
know that all of them were supported by Democrats and most of them 
passed without a roll call? 

What legislation, other than non-partisan legislation supported by 
Democrats, did you vote for that has not worked injustice to the tax- 
payers and injury to the country? 

What excuse can you give for asking the voters to reelect this Repub- 
lican Do-Nothing Congress? 

Do You Want Another Republican Do-Nothing Congress? 



THE CAMPAIGN OF 1922 AND THE ISSUES 

Democratic Record of Achievement vs. Republican Incompe- 
tence and Failure 

The Democratic party faces with confidence the National 
Senatorial and Congressional elections of 1922. — Cordeil Hull, 
Chairman Democratic National Committee. 
•^ The rank and file of the Democratic party have every rea- 
son to share this confidence with the Chairman of their Na- 
tional organization, as have all citizens without regard to 
party who desire honest government efficiently and econo- 
mically administered. 

Eight years of achievement under a Democratic adminis- 
tration gave the United States the greatest prosperity in its 
history and advanced the Nation to the moral and material 
leadership of the world. Under a Democratic President and 
a Democratic Congress, America was made the first name 
of all the world's names. 

Less than two years of rule by the Republican party, in 
full control of the Government in all branches, under the 
worst reactionaiy leadership from which that party ever suf- 
fered, has destroyed that splendid prosperity and wrecked 
that moral grandeur. In their places we have economic ad- 
versity, amounting to an industrial panic, and moral bank- 
ruptcy. The reactionary leadership of the Republican party 
has turned over the Government to profiteering Special Privi- 
lege and political spoilsmen and has turned its back upon the 
people. 

It is the present mission of the Democratic party to restore 
the Government to the people, to re-establish prosperity, to 
replace extravagance with economy, to substitute efficiency 
for incompetency, and success for failure. The first step is 
the election of a Democratic Congress to succeed the present 
Do-Nothing Republican Congress and the election of Demo- 
cratic state and local officials in the various states and local- 
ities. 

The campaign will be conducted upon clear-cut issues, — not 
alone those fundamental issues which divide the Democratic 
from the Republican party, but upon those issues raised 
through the absolute incompetency and failure of the Re- 
publican party to keep its campaign pledges made in 1920. 

The dominant domestic issue is taxation, embracing both 
internal and tariff taxation. Upon this issue the records of 
both parties are clear. 

The Democratic party has long had a monopoly upon the 



2 

doctrine and practice of rigid economy in public expenditur( 
and of low and equitable taxation. 

The Republican party is traditionally the party of extravi. 
gance in public expenditures and of high taxation of the 
masses of the people for the benefit of a Special Privilege 
class. 

The Democratic party favors honest and scientific taxation, 
with taxes equitably levied, so that the bulk of taxes is paid 
by the people best able to pay them. 

The Republican favors high taxation, with taxes so levied 
as to untax the very rich and overtax the masses of the 
people. 

The Democratic party favors a tariff for revenue only whicl 
will not afford a shelter for monopoly, but insure reasonable 
competition, and at the same time will not destroy or serious- 
ly injure any industry economically justifiable. 

The Republican party favors a high tariff in the sole in- 
terest of a profiteering and Special Privilege class, in other 
words, a tariff that will repay Republican campaign contri- 
butions out of the pockets of the people. 

The Democratic party believes in the establishment of an 
international economic policy with reciprocal trade relatione 
which will open the markets of the world to American prod- 
ucts. 

The Republican party favors a policy that would build a 
Chinese wall around America and destroy what little is left 
of our foreign trade. 

The Democratic party believes in a scientific, intelligent 
merchant marine policy, without subsidy, that will restore 
the American flag upon the seas, promote American com- 
merce and prevent monopoly of ocean traffic. 

The Republican party believes in giving away the splendid 
ships of the merchant marine, built under a Democratic ad- 
ministration, and in paying an enormous subsidy or bonus for 
their operation. 

The Democratic party believes in a clean United States 
Senate nomim.ted and elected by the people under a drastic 
Corrupt Practices Act to prevent the purchase of Senate seats. 

The Republican party has placed its official endorsement 
upon Newberryism and ratified the purchase of a seat in the 
United States Senate. Newberryism raises an issue of law, 
morals and decency, which all good citizens should welcome. 

The Democratic party believes in the honest enforcement 
of the Civil Service. 

The Republican party has violated the principle and the 



policy of the Civil Service and re-enthroned the vicious spoils 
system. 

These are but some of the outstanding domestic issues 
which present themselves in this campaign and are set forth 
with others in detail herein. 

The outcome of the recent Disarmament Conference clearly 
demonstrated that the Republican leadership was obliged not 
only to reverse its former attitude of bitter hostility to all 
Democratic foreign policies, but that it was also obliged to 
adopt and write into some of the treaties the vicious and 
war-breeding policies of the counter-alliance or the separate 
alliance which always contains the germs of future wars. 
This was a more far-reaching policy in its great war dangers 
than was ever charged to the League of Nations by its bit- 
terest opponents. The policy, the principle and the spirit of 
the League of Nations were, on the other hand, cheerfully 
embraced and written into the treaty by Senator Lodge and 
other Republican agents of the President. 

All the fundamentals of the recent Democratic Adminis- 
tration's foreign and domestic policies, political, economic and 
social, were and are sound, as time is thoroughly demon- 
strating. 

The issues arising from Republican failure, omission or 
incompetence, which confront the voters, are numerous, and 
may be summarized as follows: 

Republican Failures as Campaign Issues 

The failure of promise to reduce internal taxes. 

To effect either a practical or a sensible revision of the 
tariff. 

To reorganize and consolidate the Government departments 
and to reduce the number of employees and effect large 
savings. 

To establish a merchant marine policy. 

To prosecute criminal profiteers and to suppress profiteer- 
ing. 

To establish a working permanent immigration policy. 

To restore reciprocal foreign markets. 

To propose any definite foreign policy. 
. To establish an association of nations. 

To establish any industrial policies offering a just and 
peaceful settlement oi the relations between capital and 
labor. 

To enforce the Jones Shipping law after threatening to im- 
peach Wilson for his refusal to do so. 

To observe either the letter or the spirit or the policy of 
the Civil Service laws. 



To provide tor better larm credits relating to production 
and distribution and for cheaper farm and other transporta- 
tion. 

To reduce rent, fuel and the high cost of living. 

To put into practical and successful application the budget 
system, with the result that the Treasury was obliged to 
postpone payment of accrued obligations to 1923 in order to 
show a paper balance for 1922. The estimated deficit for 
1923 now exceeds $700,000,000. 

To settle the Mexican problem. 

To prevent the industrial panic of 1921-22. 

There never was a greater need for a return to political 
honesty in the light of the recent record of the Republican 
party under reactionary leadership, and the people should join 
with Democrats in stamping out political perfidy, insin- 
cerity and double-dealing as practiced by these leaders. 

On every question and condition affecting the welfare of 
the people that may arise, the Democratic party will take its 
stand in accordance with its proven fidelity to the people and 
to all the fundamentals of free and representative govern- 
ment. 

The Democratic party is now as it has always been the 
true voice of America. 



REPUBLICAN ADMINISTRATION EXTRAVA- 
GANCE 

President Harrison increased the ordinary expenses 
of the Government over the first Cleveland administra- 
tion $95,000,000. 

Cleveland in his second administration reduced the 
Harrison expenditures $6,559,000. 

President McKinley increased the ordinary expenses 
of the Government over Cleveland's second administra- 
tion (excluding expenses of the Spanish War), $45,- 
000,000. 

Roosevelt's second administration increased the ordi- 
nary Government expenses over Cleveland's second ad- 
ministration $1,696,000,000 — an average annual increase 
of $424,000,000. 

Harding's administration in two years (including 1923 
budget) has increased the ordinary expenses of the 
Government over Wilson's second administration (ex- 
cluding war expenditures), $536,000,000. 



REPUBLICAN ACT STILL A WAR TAX LAW 

Analysis of the Revenue Act Wliich Relieved Big Interests 
and Shifted Taxes to Masses 

The United States in peace still bears the heavy burden of 
war-time taxation. The Revenue law (Tax law) passed by 
the present Republican Congress four years after the war is 
still a war tax law. 

The Democrats offered a reconstruction programme in 
1919 to reduce wartime taxation to a peace basis, but this 
programme was defeated by a Republican Congress. The 
Republican leaders in 1920 promised to reduce taxes and re- 
adjust them to a peace basis when they came into full power. 
This promise they have failed to keep just as they have failed 
to keep practically all the promises made in that campaign. 

The worst and most unscientific tax bill ever passed by an 
American Congress is the one now in effect, finally passed in 
the Senate and signed by President Harding November 23, 
1921. It gives no material relief to the taxpayers, except the 
big interests and larger corporations. These it relieved of 
over one-half billion dollars in taxes, shifting that amount 
to the general public. It increased the taxes of eVery small 
corporation 25 per cent. The increase in exemptions to the 
smallest income taxpayers is negligible. 

The best evidence of whether or not taxes have been re- 
duced is for each man to answer for himself and each smaller 
corporation to answer for itself whether or not their taxes 
have been reduced. 

Expert evidence of the kind of tax bill passed is found 
in a statement by the late Senator Boies Penrose, then 
Chairman of the Senate Finance Committee in charge of the 
bill in that body, who said: 

**The revenue act of r921 is a transitorial or temporary 
measure. It does not place the tax system on a stable and 
scientific basis." Later he said in a published interview: 
*The bill is a temporary makeshift." 

Senator Moses (Rep., N. H.) called it "the tattered rags 
of a tax measure, three years old, long since out of style, 
and faded." 

The bill was denounced by many leading Republican mem- 
bers of both Houses during its consideration and after its 
passage, and by a large section of the Republican press. It 
pleased nobody. 
Democratic Tax Reduction Defeated by Republican Congress 

The Republican party was voted into power in both Houses 



of Congress in November, 1918, and they have been in power 
ever since. The Congress was convened in special session in 
May, 1919, by President Wilson, who submitted to it a com- 
plete programme of legislative reconstruction, to solve prob- 
lems growing out of the w^ar, including a sound policy of tax 
revision and adjustment from a war to a peace basis. Instead 
of adopting this programme, the best offered by any govern- 
ment engaged in the war, the Republicans conducted the 
most disgraceful filibuster against it and defeated it, includ- 
ing the revision and adjustment of taxes, and it was not 
until November 30, 1921, two years and a half later, that a tax 
bill was passed, denounced by its own sponsors as a "make- 
shift." 

Big Interests Given Reduction of Over $550,000,000 

The main relief given to the big interests was in the repeal 
of the excess profits tax and in the reduction of the higher 
surtax from 65 per cent to 50 per cent. The Republicans at- 
tempted to reduce the higher surtax to 32 per cent, and 
President Harding made a personal appeal by letter for the 
reduction to 32 per cent, offering a compromise of 40 per 
cent. These provisions relieved the big interests and cor- 
porations of over a half billion dollars in taxes. 

During the four years of war these corporations so re- 
lieved made over $30,000,000,000 after paying excess profits 
taxes. About $19,000,000,000 of this was made by 1,000 cor- 
porations, among the largest of which were the Steel Trust, 
Powder Trust, Woolen Trust, Packers' Trust, Coal Trust,^ 
Standard' Oil and Bethlehem Steel. 

When the present tax bill passed the House 50 Republican 
Representatives voted with the Democrats to recommit the 
bill to the committee for further consideration and amend- 
ment. • 

In the Senate 833 amendments were made to the tax bill. 
Many of these concerned the administrative features of the 
bill, which most of the Senators who voted for them did not 
understand. Senator Underwood, the Democratic Senate 
leader, said of this bill and its amendments: "I have not 
found a man on the Finance Committee or a man in the Sen- 
ate who can tell me what all the clauses in this bill mean or 
what all these changes mean." 

Democratic Amendments Improved It 

When the bill reached the Senate the Democrats undertook 
to amend it in the interest of the small taxpayers and the 
small corporations, instead of the very big taxpayers and the 



7 
big corporations in whose interest the bill had been drawn 
by the Republican majority. 

Senator Simmons (Dem., N. C), ranking minority member 
of the Finance Committee, representing the Democratic Sen- 
ators, introduced an amendment to keep the higher surtaxes 
at 52 per cent instead of reducing them to 32 per cent, as the . 
bill proposed, and forced the Republican reactionaries to set 
the rate of 50 per cent, which he did by forming a coalition 
with the Progressive Republicans. Other Democratic amend- 
ments introduced by him included the repeal of the annoying 
transportation taxes, which the Republicans were forced to 
adopt. Ninety-four Republican members of the House voted 
with the Democrats to accept the Democratic Senate amend- 
ment of 50 per cent on the higher surtaxes. 

Senator Walsh (Dem., Mass.) offered an amendment to 
reduce the tax on small corporations, putting it in the form 
of a graduated tax instead of a flat tax, but the Republicans 
rejected it and added a 2^^ per cent tax to the tax of 10 per 
cent on the smaller corporations while relieving the big ones. 

The Republicans take credit for having given the small 
individual income taxpayer an additional exemption of $500, 
but the Democrats attempted to do a great deal more through 
an amendment by Senator Gerry (Dem., R. I.), that indi- 
vidual taxpayers whose income is less than $5,000 should pay 
a rate of 2 per cent instead of 4 per cent as in the present 
law, and taxpayers whose incomes are between $5,000 and 
$10,000 should pay 4 per cent in excess over $5,000 instead of 
8 per cent on all over $4,000, as in the present law, and tax- 
payers whose income is between $10,000 and $15,000 to pay 
6 per cent on excess over $10,000, instead of 8 per cent on 
excess over $4,000 as in the present law. This amendment 
was defeated by Republican votes. 

Democrats Block Bigger Cuts to Big Income Taxpayers 

The following analysis of the tax bill by Senator Gilbert 
M. Hitchcock (Dem., Nebr.), shows how the reactionary, 
multimillionaire Republican members of the Ways and 
Means Committee of the House attempted to relieve the pos- 
sessors of large incomes by heavy reduction of taxes and to 
discriminate against the small income taxpayer. It also 
shows how the Democrats in the Senate, aided by Western 
Progressive Republicans, cut in half the Republican reduc- 
tions made on big incomes; in other words, how they kept 
the Republican Congress from giving the big individual tax- 
payers double the amount of reduction they finally got under 
the bill. 



Proposals of the Republican Ways and Means Committee 

As reported by the Committee, this so-called tax reduction 
bill proposed a reduction of $70 a year on incomes of $10,000 
a year, and, of course, on incomes of less than $10,000 a year 
the reductions wei-e still more insignificant. 

On incomes of $20,000 a year the committee proposed a re- 
duction in the tax amounting to $250. That, also, is not a 
great reduction. 

On an income of $100,000 a year, however, the committee 
proposed to reduce the tax $2,780. Now we begin to see the 
reduction cut some important figure for the relief of men en- 
joying large incomes. 

On an income of $150,000 a year the committee proposed to 
reduce the tax $12,780. Here again we note a rapid pro- 
gression in the relief afforded to men of large incomes. 

Reaching an income of $200,000 a year the Finance Com- 
mittee proposed to the Senate a reduction of $24,370. That 
is to say, a man enjoying an income of $200,000 a year was to 
be given reHef to the extent of $24,370 in the tax that he 
had been heretofore paying. 

When we reach a man with an income of $300,000 a year 
we find that tlie committee asked the Senate to reduce his 
taxes to the extent of $52,730 a year. 

When we reach the man with an income of half a million 
dollars a year we find that the head of the Finance Committee 
and the Republican managers of the Senate proposed to re- 
duce his taxes $114,780 a year. 

When we reach the citizen who has an income of a million 
dollars a year we find that it was proposed to give him relief 
from taxation to the extent of $274,730. 

I am not going further than the man with an income of 
$5,000,000 a year. There are a good many men who have 
larger incomes than $5,000,000, but in case of every man 
having an income of $5,000,000 a year this committee, in 
ostensibly carrying out the pledge of tax reduction for the 
country, proposed to reduce the taxes of that man with an 
income of $5,000,000 a year to the extent of $1,594,780 a year. 

That is what the committee proposed, and that is what 
would have been accomplished in the Senate had it not been 
for the determined fight made by Democratic Senators, as- 
sisted by a number of Republicans who felt that it would 
be an outrage upon the country to perform a pledge of tax 
reduction by giving the relief almost entirely to men enjoy- 
ing the greatest incomes of the country. 



9 
What Democrats and Progressive Senators Did 

In contrast to that, let me show what was actually done 
here in the Senate as a result of this cooperation between 
the soUd Democratic vote of the Senate and the small number 
of Kepublicans who voted with us to bring about greater 
equahty and reduce the proposed favoritism. 

On the income of the man having $10,000 a year, the result 
of the Senate debate was to leave the reduction as it had 
been placed by the committee at $70. 

On the income of the man having $20,000 a year, the re- 
sult of the struggle in the Senate was to make his reduction 
$240, instead of, as had been proposed, $250. 

On the income of the man having $100,000 a year, the re- 
sult of the struggle here in the Senate was to defeat the pro- 
posal of the committee to give him a reduction of $2,730, and 
he was given a reduction of $1,240. 

On the income of the man reaching $150,000 a year, the 
result of the struggle here in the Senate was to give him a 
reduction of $4,040, instead of, as proposed by the committee, 
$12,730. 

On the income of a man amounting to $200,000 .a year, the 
result of the struggle here in the Senate, was to give him a 
reduction in taxes of $14,040, instead of $24,370. 

On the income of a man amounting to $500,000 a year, the 
result of the struggle here in the Senate, was to give him a 
reduction of $40,000 in taxes instead of a reduction of 
$114,730, as proposed by the Finance Committee. 

On the income of a man amounting to $1,000,000 a year, 
the result of the debate and struggle here in the Senate, was 
to give him a reduction of $110,000 in his taxes instead of, as 
proposed by the committee, $274,730. 

On the income of a man amounting to $5,000,000 a year, 
whereas the committee had proposed to give him an abate- 
ment of his taxes amounting to $1,594,730, the result of the 
struggle here in the Senate, was that his reduction was made 
$710,000 a year. 



BLAINE PRAISES DEMOCRATS FOR ECONOMY 

During the long period of their domination they (the 
Democrats) guarded the Treasury against every form 
of corruption and every attempt at extravagance. — 
Blaine's "Twenty Years in Congress." 



10 
APPROPRIATIONS AND EXPENDITURES 

Analysis Shows Republicans Increase Cost of Government 
Each Year 

The Republican party on assuming control of national af- 
fairs promised a reduction of Government expenses. The 
Republican administration has failed not only to lower the 
cost of Government but has actually raised that cost to a level 
higher than it v^as in the years immediately preceding the 
entrance of the United States in the World War. 

Republican leaders are fond of comparing the expenditures 
for 1922 with those of 1921 in an attempt to give an im- 
pression of economic administration and great reduction on 
their part. 

Expenditures for 1921, in round figures, were some $1,600,- 
000,000 larger than those for 1922, but the decrease was not 
due to Republican retrenchment. When the excess of ex- 
penditures due to certain war activities in 1921, but which 
ceased in 1922, are eliminated, the expenditures for 1922 are 
245 odd million greater than in 1921. 

Representative Joseph W. Byms (Dem., Tenn.), one of the 
highest authorities on the fiscal phases of the Government, 
tells exactly what the facts are. He says: 

"The excess of expenditures in 1921 over those in 1922 
were, in the War Department, $712,594,513.32; in the Navy 
Department, $192,041,835.58; in the Shipping Board, $56,- 
795,268.26; in the Railroad Administration, $786,711,669.98; 
in the Grain Corporation, $83,353,411.42; in the Sugar Exjuali- 
zation Board, $13,605;520. This totals $1,845,102,218.56. It 
is clearly manifest that these excess expenditures v/ere on 
account of the war, and that no administration or Congress 
is entitled to credit because they were not continued in 1922. 
It actually shows that there was expended for other activities 
in 1922 more than was expended in 1921. 

"If there exists an honest purpose to make comparisons 
of appropriations, the proper basis is to compare the appro- 
priations for 1923 with the appropriations for 1916, which was 
the last full fiscal year before the war and which were made 
by a Democratic Congress and under a Democratic adminis- 
tration. The appropriations for the fiscal year 1923, up to 
this time, amount to $3,747,435,382.64. The appropriations 
for the entire fiscal year 1916 amounted to $1,115,004,194.55, 
or $2,632,031,188.09 less than for 1923. It is proper, of course, 
to deduct the interest on the war debt, which amounts to 
nearly $1,000,000,000, but this still leaves a difference of more 



11 

than $1,600,000,000. Conceding the necessity of providing 
for certain activities growing out of the war and the growth 
of Government activities in ordinary course it is obviously 
patent that this Congress and the administration have not 
made that progress toward pre-war expenditures which the 
people were promised and had the right to expect." 

1922 Fake Surplus and 1923 Real Deficit 

The Republican leaders have boasted of a large surplus 
at the end of the fiscal year 1922. This surplus had no re- 
ality; It was produced by a little trick of bookkeeping. 
Representative Joseph W. Byms (Tenn.), vv^ho is not to be 
deceived by such devices, has made clear the method by 
which this pretended surplus w^as invented for Republican 
purposes. 

"The Republican party has not kept the Government on a 
'pay-as-you-go' basis. It is true that a paper surplus was 
shovm June 30, the close of the fiscal year 1922, but Secre- 
tary of the Treasury Mellon in his letter of April 14, 1922, 
made it very clear that this surplus would only be made 
possible by the transfer of over $200,000,000 in governmental 
obligations from 1922 to 1923 w^hich, while enabling the ad- 
ministration to avoid a deficit on June 30, 1922, increased the 
overwhelming deficit which faces the Treasury on June 30, 
1923. In December, 1921, the President in a message to Con- 
gress announced that there would be a deficit of over $24,- 
000,000 on June 30, 1922, and one of more than $167,000,000 
on June 30, 1923. At that time certain railroad expendi- 
tures by the Government were estimated among the expen- 
ditures for 1922, and none for such purpose for 1923. But . 
in April, 1922, it appeared that the December, 1921, estimate 
of a 1922 deficit v/ould be increased from $24,000,000 to over 
$200,000,000. To have Congress come into session in De- 
cember and work for economy for seven months, to have the 
Director of the Budget saving $100,000,000 on paper every 
few months, and then have the deficit for the first year of 
the Harding administration increased by such a stupendous 
sum could never be satisfactorily explained in the coming 
congressional elections. It was then that a change was made. 

"On April 14, 1922, the Secretary of the Tix^asury revised 
his estimates of receipts and expenditures for the fiscal 
years 1922 and 1923. The railroad expenditures for 1922 
were eliminated and $200,000,000 was transferred over to the 
column of expenditures for 1923. More than $87,000,000 
has been covered into the Treasury as miscellaneous receipts 



12 

derived from sales of surplus war material during 1922. The 
statement of the Treasury shows a surplus of $313,000,000 
which is attributed to increase in custom receipts, miscel- 
laneous receipts, including Panama Canal tolls, and to the 
fact that expenditures for 1922 were 'almost $200,000,000 less 
than the estimate given last December.' It has already been 
shown how this 'reduction' of expenditures was brought 

about. 

Possible Deficit of $900,000,000 for 1923 

"Meanwhile, by reason of this transfer the DecfimbeVf 
1921, estimated deficit for 1923 of $167,000,000 had climbed 
to $484,000,000 in April, 1922, which included $125,000,000 of 
interest on war-savings certificates. I predicted at that time 
that it would be not less than $758,000,000 based on esti- 
mated receipts and expenditures which seemed certain. Since 
then the Treasury has again revised its figures and it is now 
stated that the 1923 deficit will be $697,200,000, the estimated 
receipts for 1923 being $3,073,800,000 and the expenditures 
$3,771,000,000. It should be noted that in arriving at the 
estimate of expenditures no account was taken of the amount 
which will be required by the passage of the soldiers' bonus 
or the possibility of the passage of special acts requiring ad- 
ditional expenditures by the Government. When these are 
considered it may be reasonably expected that the deficit for 
1923 will reach $900,000,000, and possibly more, unless the 
receipts shall be greater than now anticipated, or Congress 
shows greater economy and there is a more rigid reduction 
of expenditures by the administrative departments." 

The total appropriations for 1923 up to the beginning of 
July (1922), including regular, permanent, indefinite, and 
miscellaneous, are $3,747,035,382.64. The total appropria- 
tions for 1922, including regular, permanent, indefinite, mis- 
cellaneous and deficiencies, were $4,066,316,366.74. There 
was embraced in each of these totals, however, nearly $1,- 
500,000,000, of permanent and indefinite appropriations, in- 
cluding interest on the public debt and the like which Con- 
gress is not required to appropriate each year. To obtain a 
correct idea of what sums Congress has appropriated, there 
should be considered only the regular, miscellaneous and 
deficiency appropriations. Representative Byms very prop- 
erly says: 

The Only True Test of Comparison 

"The only true test by which it can be deteiTnined whether 
Congress has reduced appropriations and been really economi- 
cal is by a comparison of its appropriations with those made 



13 

ri previous years for similar purposes. This test should be 

applied to the appropriations made by this Congress for the 

fiscal year 1923 and as carried in the regular annual supply 

bills with the appropriations made by the Congress in the 

regular supply bills for 1922. It -would be manifestly unfair 

10 compare the appropriations which have been made at the 

;ieginning of July for the fiscal year 1923 with the appropri- 

tions which were made for 1922 at the beginning of that 

seal year, and including all of the appropriations by way of 

eficiencies and special acts made during the entire year, for 

t is certain that there will be deficiencies and special acts 

assed during the present fiscal year 1923, which has just 

begun and which will increase the 1923 appropriation. 

Measured by this test it will be found that there has been 
appropriated for the fiscal year 1923, $95,872,535.37 more 
than was appropriated for the fiscal year 1922 at the same 
period of the two fiscal years." 

A comparison of regular annual supply bills for 1923 with 
:hose of 1921 shows that at the beginning of the respective 
iscal years there was appropriated for 1923 $2,362,854,200.01 
md for 1921 $2,212,119,798.78. The amount appropriated for 
1923 was therefore $90,734,401.23 in excess of 1921. It is 
nanifest, then, that from whatever angle the Republican 
laims of economies and savings are viewed, their untruth- 
fulness and absurdity become obvious. 



FAKE SAVINGS 

Director of Budget's report. May, 1922 — Savings claimed 
►ver 1921, $907,500,000. 

He took credit for saving the following sums: 

^rmy Reduction „ $712,594,513.32 

^avy Reduction .._ _ _ „ 192,041,835.58 

shipping Board _.. _ 56,795,268.26 



$961,431,617.16 
The Army and Navy were reduced to peace-time basis and 

ve stopped building ships. 
The alleged "saving" turned out to be an increase in expen- 

itures of $53,931,617.16. 



Republican Taxation Policy: Tax Reduction for the Buc- 
aneers. 



14 
All Government Departments Cost More Under G. O. P. 

Senator Overman (Dem., N. C), ranking Democratic mem- 
ber of the Senate Appropriations Committee, characterizes 
as a "pipe dream" Republican claims of economy by the 
present administration. He proves their falsity and fatuity, 
and demonstrates by the books of the Treasury — v^hose head 
is a member of Mr. Harding's Cabinet — that the present ad- 
ministration is spending some $2,600,000,000 more in 1923 
than the Wilson administration expended in 1915. Three 
years after the war, the routine expenses of the Government 
are half a billion dollars greater than they were three years 
before the war. 

The Republican claims of great reductions in expenses are 
based largely on the appropriations for 1923, made in 1922, 
three years after the war. Therefore, as the corresponding 
basis for comparisons in actual times of peace, the appropria- 
tions for the year 1915, made in 1914, the year of the begin- 
ning of the World War and three years before we entered 
that war, furnish the onlly true test. This, of course, elimi- 
Bates all expenses growing out of the war. 

"Giving credit for all the extraordinary war expenses — and 
that should be done — it will be shown that the expenditures 
of the Harding administration have been gi-eater than those 
of the Wilson administration by $2,639,725,000," said Senator 
Overman in a recent speech in the Senate. 

The figures upon which Senator Overman founded his state- 
ments were obtained from the Treasury, and were by him 
inserted in the Congressional Record of July 26, 1922 (pages 
11,616-11,619). 

In order to state the case with fairness to the present 
Republican administration, Senator Overman deducted from 
the difference of $2,639,725,000 in favor of the Wilson ad- 
ministration all expenditures which the Harding administra-, 
tion was compelled to meet for extraordinaiy purposes 
growing out of the war. The separate items deducted by 
Senator Overman from the total of $2,639,725,000 are the 
following: 

The Emergency Fleet Corporation, $100,000,000; Veterans 
Bureau, $418,000,000; U. S. Housing Corporation, $1,000,000; 
Alien Property Custodian, $370,000; Intemal Revenue and 
Public Debt Service, $43,000,000; Bonus to employes, $38,- 
000,000; Public Debt funds, $1,260,000,000; Federal Reserve 
Bank franchise tax and Debt retirement, $30,000,000. This 
leaves $1,329,423,000 for legitimate expenses of the Govern- 
ment for 1923, as against $793,064,000 for 1915 under tha 



15 
Wilson administration, a difference of $536,000,000 in favor 
of Wilson administration economy. 

After deducting all these items, the amounts which have 
been appropriated by the Harding administration for running 
the Government in the fiscal year 1923 exceeded by $536,- 
359,296.25 the appropriations for 1915 under the Wilson ad- 
ministration. 

"I have asked the Treasury Department, whose officials 
have prepared these figures, to obtain the facts," said Sen- 
ator Overman, "and after deducting from the $^2,000,000,000 
every cent paid out by the present administration for extra- 
ordinary matters growing out of the war, there is still left a 
balance of $536,000,000 in favor of the Wilson adminis- 
tration." 

Senator Overman was not content with stating the fact 
of this excess of Republican expenditures for 1923 over those 
under Wilson for 1915. He ^demonstrated the truth and ac- 
curacy of his statement by the books of the Treasury. Tak- 
ing the official figures. Senator Overman showed the depart- 
ments in which expenditures had increased under the present 
Republican administration and the amount of such increases. 

Increase in Every Department 

These departments and the increase in the expenditures of 
each, compared with 1915, arc^ as follows: 

Executive Office and independent offices: Wilson, $9,473,- 
497.22; Harding, $23,165,503; increase, $13,692,005.78. 

State Department: Wilson, $6,204,716.54; Harding, $10,- 
549,488.16; increase, $4,344,771.62. 

Treasury Department: Wilson, $149,733,428.76; Harding, 
$199,910,419.44; increase, $50,176,990.68. 

War Department: Wilson, $181,834,200.95; Harding, $332,- 
950,792.67; increase, $151,116,591.72. 

Navy Department: Wilson, $148,941,975.47; Harding, 
$297,770,249; increase, $148,828,273.53. 

Interior Department: Wilson, $211,679,101.94; Harding, 
$325,128,008.67; increase, $113,448,906.73. 

Agricultural Department: Wilson, $29,993,840.64; Harding, 
$59,179,173; increase, $29,185,332.36. 

Department of Commerce: Wilson, $11,542,919.06; Hard- 
ing, $18,746,245; increase, $7,203,325.94. 

Labor Department: Wilson, $3,790,769.97; Harding, $6,- 
916,920; increase, $3,126,150.03. 

Department of Justice: Wilson, $10,762,900.10: Harding, 
$17,851,221; increase, $7,088,320.90. 



16 

District of Columbia: Wilson, $13,225,716.08; Harding, 
$24,466,209.80; increase, $11,240,493.72. 

This presentment of the official figures reveals that in prac- 
tically every one of the departments of the National Govern-* 
ment and the District of Columbia there have been increases 
of from $3,000,000 to $151,000,000 over the expenditures in 
1915. 



DEMOCRATS JUST TO OUR SOLDIERS 

Present Abuses and Scandals of Veterans Bureau Due to 
Republican Control 

Prompt measures were taken by the Wilson Administra- 
tion to provide for the relief and care of former service men 
and women. Within two months after the United States en- 
tered the war the Democratic Administration had prepared 
and a Democratic Congress had passed various laws looking 
to the vocational rehabilitation of disabled soldiers. The 
enactment of a law to furnish war risk insurance and com- 
pensation for the men of the Army, Navy and Marine Corps 
came before an American soldier went into action. 

More than a billion dollars was paid or appropriated by 
the Democratic Administration, between May, 1917, and 
March, 1921, as compensation, insurance, family allotments, 
educational rehabilitation of disabled, and for the medical 
and surgical care of the soldiers, sailors and marines in the 
war. In addition, a liability of some two billions was assum- 
ed by the Government under the Democratic Administration 
on matured life insurance policies in consequence of the death 
or total permanent disability of policy holders. Something 
like ten billions was devoted to meeting this obligation of the 
people to their Soldiers, Sailors and Marines — so far as it 
can be met by expenditures of money. 

Not the least valuable of the provisions made by the 
Democratic Administration for the former service men was 
the system of vocational training by which they are enabled 
to enlarge their knowledge and skill and increase their op- 
portunities and income in civilian life. 

In all dealings with these who fought for America the 
Democratic Administration made justice, humanized by gen- 
erosity, its abiding rule. 

The failures, inefficiencies, discriminations, abuses and scan- 
dals of the Veterans' Bureau of which former soldiers, in- 
cluding the sick and disabled, are righteously complaining 
are the evil fruit of Republican control. 



17 
REPUBLICAN FAKE SAVINGS EXPOSED 

Juggling of Figures and Deception Practiced to Cover Up 
Increased Expenses 

One of the most reprehensible methods by which the Re- 
publicans have been attempting to deceive the public is in 
claims of great savings made by the present adimmstration. 

These claims have been thoroughly exposed as iaise by two 
Democratic members of the House Appropriations Committee. 
Representatives Byms of Tennessee and Byrnes of South 
Carolina. 

In January, 1922, President Harding, accepting the figures 
of the Director of the Budget, annoimced tnat §1^6,000,000 
had been saved during the first six months of the present 
fiscal year. On February 9, Representative Byrns (Dem., 
Tenn.) introduced a resolution asking the President to give 
some details of those savings. On May 7, 1922, in compli- 
ance with this resolution, the Director of the Buaget made a 
report in which he asserted that this sum of $136,000,000 
represented reductions, "some of which are real savings and 
some of which cannot be considered as savings." Fart of 
these reductions, he said, are simply "posponed expenditures;" 
that is to say, money appropriated but not yet spent. 

The statement was practically an admission of the charge 
that the sums claimed did not represent savings, but repre- 
sented postponement of payments by the Government. He 
then asserted that "the reduction in ordinary expenditures 
for the operation of routine of government generally subject 
to executive control in 1922, as compared with 1921, will be 
therefore in the neighboriiood of $907,500,000." 

The ease with which these fake claims of savings can be 
exploded is shown by the following extract from a speech by 
Representative Byms of Tennessee, commenting on this re- 
port of the Director of the Budget. Mr. Byms said: 

Republicans Increase Expenses While Claiming Reduction 

"It must be noted in this statement that he takes credit for 
a reduction of $712,594,513.32 in Army expenses. He further 
takes credit for $192,041,835.58 by way of a reduction of 
naval expenditures. And he takes further credit of $56,- 
795,268.26 reduction in expenses of the Shipping Board, when 
we all know that that reduction was brought about by the 
completion of the immense ship-consti*uction program which 
was inaugurated during the war. These three items alone 
amount to $961,431,617.16, showing by his own figures that the 



18 
actual expenditures for the operation of the routine business 
of the Government have been increased rather than reduced. 

"Everyone knows that in 1921 the Araiy consisted of over 
500,000 men and that we had a very large Navy as a hang- 
over of the war. It is ridiculous to say that the administra- 
tion is entitled to take credit for its reduction to something 
like a peace basis. It is equally absurd for the Director of 
the Budget to take credit as a saving for the reduction of 
the great force of clerks which was required during the war. 
In addition to this there were large war hangovers in 1921, 
which, as a matter of course were dispensed with in 1922, 
and the cost of the necessary supplies for the Government 
has been greatly reduced, as we all know. And this fact 
further justifies the charge of gross and inexcusable ex- 
travagance on the part of the administration in the ordinary 
civil activities of the Government, which, as I have shown, 
the report of the Director of the Budget shows on its face 
has been very substantially increased rather than reduced. 
Why, as a matter of fact, the report shows that there has 
been an actual increase of expenditures in the President's 
own office in 1922 over the expenditures made in 1921." 

Have Your Taxes Been Reduced? 

No better test of whether or not the alleged savings are 
real savings or fake savings can be made for each taxpayer 
to ask himself the question whether or not his taxes have 
been reduced. 

Representative Byms made a point of this when he said: 

"The administration banks heavily on the credulity of the 
American people, for a reduction of taxes is the only test as 
to whether or not there has been a reduction in expenditures. 
The plain fact is there has been no reduction of taxes by this 
Congress except that carried in the revenue bill on the big 
trusts and the multimillionaires of this country. The vast 
body of the taxpayers have had no relief, and I submit, 
whatever may be the opinion of the administration and of the 
Director of the Budget as to the credulity of the American 
people, they are not going to believe and no one can con- 
vince them of the fact that there have been any savings 
during the fiscal year by this administration when they are 
confronted with their tax statement which shows that there 
has been no reduction in the amount of money that must be 
taken from their pockets in order to meet the ordinary run- 
ning expenses of the Government." 

The absolutely ludicrous manner in which the Director of 



19 

the Budget undertook to make a showing of savings was 
further exposed by Representative James F. Byrnes of South 
Carolina in a speech in the House from which the following 
is summarized: 

Treasury Department: Savings claimed, $30,000,000. 

This claim was made July 19, 1921. On the same day the 
representative of the Budget Bureau in the Treasury Depart- 
ment wrote to the subordinate chief stating that an analysis 
of the statement of savings by them showed there had been 
an actual saving of only $2,000,000, and to offset this they 
had requested deficiencies of more than $50,000,000. Not- 
withstanding the fact that the Director of the Budget knew 
this he reiterated the statement, and six months later in- 
cluded in a statement of estimated savings this same 
$80,000,000. 

Interior Department: Savings claimed, $15,000,000 for 
pensions. 

The reason the Department estimated the $15,000,000 
would not be expended is that the Bureau of Pensions is be- 
hind in its investigation of Spanish-American War cases. 
Later they caught up to some extent and withdrew about half 
of this. If they catch up, all will be spent. 

World War Veterans: Savings claimed, $35,000,000. 

This could only be done by taking from the veterans of the 
World War compensation they are entitled to. The total 
will be spent when the bureau catches up with its work. 

Department of State: Savings claimed, $1,000,000. 

In 1909, $750,000 was appropriated for payment to Co- 
lombia, which refused to accept it. If it was a saving this 
year, it has been a saving every year for the past twelve 
years and we have saved $9,000,000 out of this $750,000 fxmd. 

District of Columbia: Savings claimed, $100,000. 

This sum was appropriated to repair streets around the 
army and navy buildings constructed during the war. The 
Treasury could not pay out a dollar of it after the end of the 
war. The Democratic administration didn't spend a dollar 
of it. General Dawes said he has saved it this year. From 
whom did he save it? 

Legislative: Savings claimed, $25,000 out of the salaries of 
Members of Congress. 

The only way it could be saved was when some Member of 
Congress died. 

War Department: Savings claimed, $12,000,000 (Rivers 
and Harbors appropriations). 

These funds remain available until spent and to claim this 
amount as a saving requires colossal nerve. 



20 

Treasury Department: Savings claimed, $1,700,000 (per- 
manent appropriation to repay importers on excess of de- 
posits). 

The law requires these repayments to be made and the re- 
duction in the guess as to how much will be spent will not 
make th© amount greater or less. 

Appropriations for the widow of Senator Proctor of Ver- 
mont: Savings claimed, $7,500. 

In 1908 when Senator Proctor died this money was appro- 
priated for his widow. She declined to accept it and has 
since died. It remained upon the books to her credit and 
General Dawes said he saved it this year. 

Shipping Board: Savings claimed, $96,407,509. 

How does he arrive at it? Listen to this: "A recent 
analysis of the department shows cash loss in operation for 
1921 of $148,000,000. The operating losses for the current 
year are estimated at $52,000,000 and the saving is therefore 
estimated at $96,000,000." Think of the business man who 
says "I have only lost $52,000,000 this year as against $148,- 
000,000 last year and I have therefore saved $96,000,000." 

Pay of the Army: Savings claimed, $2,000,000. 

When Representative Byrnes (Dem., S. C.) introduced an 
amendment fixing the army at 150,000 men the Republicans 
said it could not be reduced to that figure before October 1. 
But we gave the boys the right to apply for a discharge and 
they got out long before October 1. The appropriation was 
fixed for the larger army until October 1. They could not 
spend the money because the boys were out of the army. 
A.gainst the protest of the Republican House organization 
and against the written protest of the President, the Demo- 
crats saved this $2,000,000. 

Supervising Architect's Office: Savings claimed, $19,- 
000,000. 

Back in 1913 a public building bill was passed and because 
we cannot get anybody to take the contract for some build- 
ings for the amount appropriated it remains on the books. 
Therefore we have saved $19,000,000. 

Panama Canal: Savings claimed, $19,674. 

This is part of an appropriation for digging a canal from 
the Atlantic to the Pacific when the proposition was first 
urged. The money could be spent for no other purpose. For 
years it has been on the books. 

Panama Canal Zone: Savings claimed, $53,205. (Censor- 
ship for foreign mails.) 

The espionage act is no more, and we could not spend it. 



21 
and because we could not spend it, the Director of the Budget 
says he saved it. And the worst of it all is he seems to have , 
induced the President to believe it. 

Capitol Grounds: Savings claimed, $100,000. 

In the distant past that appropriation was made for en- 
larging the Capitol grounds. The work was never done. 
The amount has been on the books and it stays there. 

Because of these fake savings, Representative Byrnes called 
the budget a "joke book" and the claims of savings mere 
"bunk." 

THE MELLON ALUMINUM MONOPOLY 

The Aluminum Co. of America a monopoly owned and con- 
trolled by the Mellon Interest, of which Andrew W. Mellon, 
Secretary of the Treasury in the Harding Cabinet, is the head, 
was started in 1888 on a paid-in capital estimated from $100,- 
}00 to $200,000. 

From 1910 to 1920 its net annual earnings averaged over 
$10,000,000. 
Its capital stock on July 31, 1921, was $18,729,600. 
Its surplus, July 31, 1921, was $92,153,861.04, a net value 
)f $110,883,461. 

The Aluminum Co. of America makes every ounce of alu- 
ninum produced in the United States. Through its subsi- 
iiaries it produces over 90 per cent of aluminum table- 
vare and other utensils used in this country. 

The present tariff (Underwood-Simmons Democratic law) 
Lverages 20.4 per cent. 

The new tariff (Fordney-McCumber Republican law) is: 
ngots, 5 cents per pound; sheet aluminum, 9 cents per 
ound; table utensils, etc., 82.2 per cent. 
The new Republican tariff law gives to this Trust, which 
as been making a profit of $10,000,000 a year, approximately 
23,000,000. Whatever the Trust uses of this $23,000,000 
dll be doubled to consumers at retail. 
These figures are supplied by the Fair Tariff League, a 
rotection organization, which adds concerning Secretary 
lellon: 

He now stands to get millions of dollars annually to which 
e is no more entitled than to the money which he is guarding 
I his country's treasury." 



FOUR HORSEMEN OF THE G. O. P. 

Poverty — Distress. 
Disorder — ^Violence. 



22 
FORDNEY-McCUMBER TARIFF BILL 

Adds Additional Tax of $3,000,000,000 to $4,000,000,000 and 
Destroys Foreign Market 

The Fordney-McCumber Profiteers' Tariff bill is the worst 
traiff bill ever passed by an American Congress. This is the 
opinion not only of Democrats but of the leading Republican 
newspapers, the commercial and trade papers, the most prom- 
inent Republican business men and even of some Republican 
Senators and Representatives. 

Some of the main objections urged against the Fordney- 
McCumber Tariff bill are: 

It puts an additional tax upon the people of the United 
States of $3,000,000,000 to $4,000,000,000, according to how 
the special privilege class in whose interest it was passed 
takes advantage of its provisions. This sum equals the 
amount it now costs to run the Government, collected by inter- 
nal taxation. 

It will not yield the Government itself more than $250,000,- 
000 in revenue under the most favorable circumstances. 

It gives to special privilege and profiteering classes an 
amount of protection estimated as high as $6,000,000,000. 

It encourages and l-egalizes profiteering by American 
manufacturers. 

It will greatly increase the present high cost of living. 

It will prevent the collection of $11,000,000,000 foreign in- 
debtedness. 

It is practically an embargo upon foreign products, and 
will destroy what is left of our foreign trade, already re- 
duced one-half under this administration. 

It will make it impossible to build up and maintain an 
American merchant marine. 

It is the offer of a bribe to the farmer by placing high 
tariff rates on agricultural products, but which will compel 
the farmer to pay $5 for every $1 of protection he receives. 

It will work irreparable injury to labor by reducing pro- 
duction, creating a surplus of labor with consequent wage 
reduction. 

It contains an unconstitutional clause delegating the legis- 
lative powers of Congress to the President. 

It will, under this presidential clause, create endless con- 
fusion in the customs houses and the opportunity for graft 
and corruption in determining fluctuating valuations. 

It v/ill prevent any natural or normal revival of industry 
and business and bring about intolerable conditions of living 
for the American people. 



23 

The Fordney-McCumber Profiteers' Tariff bill is unjust to 
every class of citizens except the special privilege and profi- 
teering class in whose sole interest it was passed. It has no 
scientific basis whatever, but is a mere haphazard act thrown 
together by men who had no conception or understanding of 
economic principles but who have been properly classified in- 
tellectually as tariff morons. 



Democratic Tariff Policy vs. Republican Tariff Policy 

Democrats and Eepublicans differ fundamentally and irre- 
concilably on the question of tariffs. It is necessary to know 
and understand the nature and extent of this vital difference 
betw^een the two parties to fully understand the weakness and 
vices of the Fordney-McCumber tariff bill or any preceding 
Republican tariff measure. 

Senator Underwood (Ala.) and Senator Simmons (N. C.) 
are co-authors of the present Underwood- Simmons tariff 
law under which, since 1913, the United States has exper- 
ienced the greatest industrial, commercial, and financial ex- 
pansion and prosperity in a century and a third. 

Both Democrats and Eepublicans recognize the tariff as 
nothing but a tax; both hold that duties should be collected 
at the custom house on certain imports from foreign coun-- 
tries, and both regard these imposts as one legitimate and 
necessary means of raising some of the revenues required 
for the conduct of the Federal Government. The crucial 
point upon which the two parties differ and disagree is the 
purpose for which a tariff is levied. Senator Underwood 
puts in plain language the principle which guides and governs 
the Democratic party in respect to the tariff. He says: 

"As I understand it, the position of the Democratic party 
is that taxes levied at the custom house should be for revenue 
purposes only, that the custom house is a place where revenue 
may be obtained to run the Government, and that it provides 
a convenient way of raising a certain amount of revenue; 
that if a revenue tax be levied at the custom house in such 
a way that it does not unduly stifle competition from abroad, 
and the person who pays it really pays it to the Government, 
it is a reasonable way to raise revenue." 

Representative James W. Collier (Miss.), a Democratic 
member of the Ways and Means Committee, states the Demo- 
cratic principle with equal clearness and accuracy in the fol- 
lowing words: 

*The purpose of a Democrat in levying a tariff rate is 
solely to obtain funds to meet the expense of the Federal 
Government. * * * The Democrats believe that a tariff tax 



24 
is an expense, a price, that all the people have to pay, not to 
increase the profits of private enterprises, but to raise reve- 
nues to meet the expenses of the Government. * * * The 
Democrats believe that the Government alone should tax the 
people, and that the , Government alone should be the benefi- 
ciary of that tax." 

Mr. Collier thus states the Republican tariff policy: 
"The Republicans believe that a tariff tax is a subsidy, a 
benefit, a bounty, to be bestowed upon some favorite; a privi- 
lege to be conferred upon some beneficiary. 'Protection* is 
the purpose; if any revenue is collected, such revenue is 
incidental." 

Fiscal Phases of the Republican Tariff Bill 

It has been estimated by the officials of the Treasury that 
the Government must have $4,000,000,000 for its expenses 
during the year 1922-28. The fanners of the Fordney-Mc- 
Cumber bill have claimed for it a yield of not exceeding 
$350,000,000 in revenues. The American people will be taxed 
from $3,000,000,000 to $4,000,000,000 annually for the enrich- 
ment of the profiteers while the Government receives less 
than 9 per cent of that amount in revenues. 

That the Fordney-McCumber bill encourages and legalizes 
profiteering is indicated, if not admitted, by Senator McCum- 
ber himself. In his speech on April 20, 1922, after adver- 
ting to the fact that "two-thirds of the American people, the 
breadwinners in the United States, are not receiving an in- 
come any greater than their pre-war income" (Republican 
promises of prosperity to the contrary). Senator McCumber 
pleaded with the beneficiaries of the bill^the trusts and 
monopolies — in this strain: 

"These people are all consumers of the products of our 
American factories. They purchase more than nine-tenths 
of all their products, and when I say that these people can not 
spend any more than they earn, I think I have sufficiently 
foreshadowed the necessity on the part of the manufacturers 
of bringing down the cost of their commodities to within the 
purchasing reach of this vast army of American farmers and 
American wage-earners — a reach that cannot extend an inch 
beyond the limit of their earnings. 

"We have tried to help bridge the gulf between the pro- 
duction cost of manufactured articles and the consumer's 
ability to buy them by doing what we can to increase the 
purchasing power of the latter, and it is now up to the 
manufacturer to do his part to bring down the cost to meet 
the size of the consumer's pocketbook." 



25 

In short, Mr. McCumber and his Republican associates 
first give the profiteers an exclusive franchise to rob the 
people and then they beseech them to be merciful in its use. 

The answer of these profiteers to Mr. McCumber's plea to 
them has already been given. It comes in the U. S. Labor 
Department's reports of a steady rise in the cost of living. 
The beneficiaries of the tariff bill are taking in advance of its 
final passage some of the outrageous profits which it guaran- 
tees them. 

Violation of Republican Policy In Platform 

This Republican tariff is no less imscientific than unjust. 
It was written, as Senator McCumber admits, with no one in 
mind but the big corporations, which have to be repaid for 
their contributions to Republican campaign funds. In sur- 
rendering the American people to the selfishness and greed 
of some 4,000 representatives of privilege and monopoly the 
bill automatically closes foreign markets not only as a source 
of supply for American consumers but as a selling place for 
our surplus products, agricultural and manufactured. The 
bill violates the principle enunciated in the Republican plat- 
form of 1912 (which was adopted following onslaughts on 
the Payne- Aldrich law) that "the rate of duty imposed should 
be based upon the difference in cost of production here and 
abroad." This rule is disregarded more numerously and flag- 
rantly in the Fordney-McCumber bill than it was even in the 
Payne- Aldrich law. The true explanation of the inordinate 
rates of the bill is that they were intended not to provide 
fair protection against competition but to sanction a satur- 
nalia of profiteering on the American people. 

Multi- Millionaires Framed The Tariff Bill 

Considering the political and financial connections of the 
nen who wrote the Fordney-McCumber bill it is to be ex- 
3ected that the special interests should profit first and most 
rom its provisions, and that the general public should receive 
ittle thought or sympathy. Eleven of the seventeen Republi- 
:an members of the Ways and Means Committee of the 
louse of Representatives are men of great wealth. Whether 
;heir bias in favor of Big Business be conscious or uncon- 
ious the result is the same for those who have to live under 
he Fordney-McCumber bill. 

A Republican, Frank R. Raid, Congressional nominee in the 
eleventh District of Illinois, has furnished the following in- 
ormation concerning some of the Republican personnel of the 
Vays and Means Committee: 

'The committee is composed of seventeen Republicans and 



26 
eight Democrats. The Republicans, of course, control the 
committee under the present Administration; in fact, a bare 
half dozen of the leading members dominate the proceedings 
of the committee and deteraiine its action in respect to legis- 
lation on taxation, tariff and other vital subjects." 

He gave this list of the eleven rich men: 

"Chairman Joseph W. Fordney, Michigan, millionaire lum- 
berman. 

"Nicholas Longworth, Ohio, a millionaire by inheritance, 
interested in various banking and industrial enterprises, in- 
cluding an interest in dye and chemical companies. 

"Ira C. Copley, Illinois, multimillionaire, controlling gas 
companies and three newspapers of the 11th District, inter- 
ested also in mining and other properties. 

"Luther W. Mott, New York, wealthy banker, former presi- 
dent of the New York State Bankers' Association. 

"Isaac Bacharach, New Jersey, millionaire real estate 
broker, first vice-president and director of the Second National 
Bank, and also director of Atlantic Safe Deposit and Trust 
Company at Atlantic City. 

"Allen T. Treadway, Massachusetts, millionaire hotel owner 
and magnate. 

"Charles B. Timberlake, Colorado, wealthy banker and 
stockraiser. 

"George M. Bowers, West Virginia, millionaire banker and 
orchardist, president of People's Trust Company, Martinsburg, 
W. Va. 

"Henry W. Watson, Pennsylvania, wealthy retired business 
man, who made his fortune in various commercial and manu- 
facturing enterprises. 

"Alanson B. Houghton, New York (a member during the 
special session but recently resigned to become Ambassador 
to Germany), a multi-millionaire glass manufacturer. 

"Thomas A. Chandler, Oklahoma, millionaire oil magnate." 

The Republican members of the Senate Finance Committee 
are of practically the same stripe. Senator Smoot (Utah) 
is a millionaire. Senator Sutherland (W. Va.) is interested 
in banks and various other enterprises. Senator Freling- 
huysen (N. J.), McLean (Conn.) and Curtis (Kans.) are men 
of great wealth. Senator Calder is regarded as spokesman 
for the building interest. 

Beneficiaries of the Republican Tariff 

The beneficiaries of the Republican tariff are practically 
the same interests and individuals that profited by the Re- 
publican revision of Federal taxes — some 4,000 members of 



27 
big industrial and financial corporations which in many cases 
have made profiteering a means of amassing billions. The 
Republican Congress, in amending the tax laws, saved these 
corporations and individuals some $450,000,000 in excess pro- 
fits taxes and $61,500,000 in high surtaxes. This same Con- 
gress now proposes to take a toll of three to four billions 
from the American public and give it to their exploiters. 
Outstanding among the monopolies which had so large a part 
in the preparation, and which have such lively expectations 
from the operation, of the Fordney-McCumber bill are the 
various trusts which have always contributed to the campaign 
pot of the Eepublican party. In return, for their donations 
to these Republican slush funds these trusts have been per- 
mitted to levy a brigand's tribute on every article in the 
way of food, clothing, fuel, shelter, utensils and equipment 
needed by the American consumer. Practically nothing has 
escaped a tax for the benefit of these special interests. 

In the course of the debates on the tax revision bill passed 
by the Republican Congress, Representative Oldfield (Ark.), 
one of the Democratic members of the Ways and Means Com- 
mittee, showed that American corporations have not been 
suffering under the Underwood-Simmons law now in eifect. 

"For the four years 1916-1919, inclusive, profits (taken by 
these corporations) averaged $9,000,000,000 before taxes were 
paid and $7,000,000,000 after Federal taxes had been paid," 
said Mr. Oldfield. "In other words, these corporations made 
over $30,000,000,000 during the four years 1916-1919, and 
they also made around $7,000,000,000 in 1920." 

Bill Won't Help Farmers 

Fai-mers as a class will be hurt, not helped, by the opera- 
tion of the Fordney-McCumber bill. Farmers consume about 
one-half of the production of this country. Senator Simmons 
has pointed out that by virtue of the duties imposed by the 
bill on the manufactured products which the farmer buys 
"the ultimate retail price of these products, which is the 
price the farmer pays, * * * will reach at least $3,000,000,000, 
and $1,500,000,000 of that burden will be flung upon the 
farmers of the United States." 

The Republican cry that the Fordney-McCumber bill will 
"protect" and prosper the agricultural element of the countiy 
is nothing but a fafse pretence designed to win the farmer's 
approval or avoid his condemnation of a measure that was 
conceived and concocted by and for trusts and monopolies to 
whom Mr. Harding's party is under obligation for the millions 
it has been using in influencing elections in Michigan and 
elsewhere these many years. Republican newspapers in Re- 



publican agricultural states have already perceived and ex- 
posed the true intent of the bill. The following examples 
are typical. 

The St. Paul Pioneer-Press (Rep.) says: 

"But the farmer would be blind to his most important in- 
terests if he fails to see that he will be unfavorably affected 
by a tariff policy which makes it difficult for Europe to con- 
tinue to buy the customary quantities of food products in the 
United States. If he cannot find a ready market for his sur- 
plus wheat the price is bound to go down and this cannot 
be changed by an appeal to the soundness of the protective 
principle or a reference to prosperous periods under high 
protection. During those periods we were a debtor nation; 
the balance of trade was against us. Today we are the 
great creditor nation of the world and there is a heavy trade 
balance in our favor. This makes all the difference in the 
world." 

The New York Globe, another Republican newspaper, pene- 
trates the scheme and reveals the inwardness of it. It says: 

"The agricultural tariff is a bribe in return for which the 
farmers are expected to support the regular Republican nomi- 
nees, and as a result of which it is hoped they will be diverted 
from any fundamental reform movement." 

The Indianapolis News, an independent paper with strong 
Republican prepossessions, exposes the fraud of the bill in 
this language: 

"The idea of throwing a tariff sop to the farmers to recon- 
cile them to schedules that exceed all the needs of protection 
and afford to those favored an opportunity to make enormous 
profits, was ingenious, but as the farmers long ago ceased to 
buy gold bricks, they now naturally reject sops, and are not 
flattered by the offering." 

The Springfield (Mass.) Republican tells in a sentence 
what the bill will do to the farmer. It says: 

"In so far as European goods are barred from our markets 
to protect our high cost manufactures, the Europeans lose 
their power to buy our farm crops. That must mean lower 
prices for American farm products in the end." 

Senator Capper, Republican and member of the "Farm 
Bloc" in the Senate, concurs with these Republican newspapers 
as to the way in which this Republican 'tariff will affect the 
fortunes of the farmer. He says: 

"Many of our agricultural products are on an export basis 
and the tariff will not help the producers of these products 
except under exceptional conditions and on special grades. If, 
in addition to this, the power of foreign countries to buy the 



products of our farms and ranches is limited by a tariff which 
prevents our people from buying on a fair competitive basis 
the manufactured articles of the highly industrialized coun- 
tries of Europe, the plight of agriculture will be even worse 
than it is at present." 

That the selling prices of some agricultural products will 
be enhanced by the imposition of certain duties written into 
the bill is freely conceded. Wool and sugar will be among 
these few items. The great bulk of agricultural products, 
however, will not be benefited at all. 

"This may be illustrated with the duty of 15 cents per 
bushel on com," said Senator Simmons in a speech in the 
Senate. "No duty upon com can affect the American price 
of com because practically none is imported into the country, 
and we produce more than we need for our own consumption. 
The amount imported compared to the domestic production 
would be as one ear to a bushel of com. No duty upon these 
trifling importations would affect the price of corn. It is 
estimated by experts, after thorough investigation and calcu- 
lation that for every dollar increase the farmer will get as a 
result of such of these increases as are effective he will pay 
by reason of the higher duties on other products at least $5 — 
$1 in, $5 out. If that is not swapping dollars for dimes it is 
swapping dollars for quarters." 

In the last analysis, Senator McCumber does not pin his 
faith in the tariff as a stimulus to agricultural products and 
prices. He would have recourse to a very different artifice. 
He says: 

"For the most part, wheat is a drug on the American 
market. * * * We want more acres of farm land planted to 
other products, we want to encourage the farmers in this 
country to sow millions of acres to flax, to hemp, to onions, 
to beans and the like products." 

So, then. Senator McCumber admits that the tariff — even a 
Republican "emergency tariff", warranted, like a western wire 
fence, to be "horse-high, bull proof and hog tight", — has b.een 
utterly worthless for the object of maintaining the price of 
wheat in the domestic market after the foreign market had 
been demoralized by this fatuous legislation. 

Not the tariff, after all, but a variation of crops, a reduc- 
tion of acreage of wheat and com and cotton, and a larger 
production of something else — that is Mr. McCumber's plan 
for assisting agriculture. But, it may be asked, what will be 
his remedy if there should suddenly appear a surplus of "flax, 
hemp, onions, beans" and the like ? Would the tariff that has 
failed in respect to a surplus of wheat fare better in the case 
of a surplus of beans? 



30 

The plain fact is that so far as the farmer and the wage 
earner and the general run of consumers are concerned, the 
Fordney-McCumber bill is fake and a fraud. 

Will Ruin Foreign Markets 

**I realize that we can not sell abroad unless we buy." 

This acknowledgment of the vital importance of foreign 
markets to American producers and consumers alike was made 
by President Harding in the course of an address he delivered 
to the Chamber of Commerce of the United States. It was a 
variant of McKinley's statement that: "We can not sell if we 
do not buy." 

Notwithstanding the obvious truth of President Harding's 
words he urged the passage of the Fordney-McCumber bill, 
which even staunch organs of the Republican party condemn- 
ed as destructive of all our foreign markets. Our export 
trade has already declined in volume from $8,080,480,821 in 
the calendar year 1920 to $3,770,000,000 in the fiscal year 
ended June 80, 1922. The decrease in the value of our ex- 
ports in the first year during which the Republican "emer- 
gency" tariff was effective was $2,746,000,000. That is to 
say, the exports for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1921, were 
valued at $6,516,000,000, while the value of our exports in the 
year ended June 30, 1922, was $3,770,000,000. 

What the farmer needs now is a market for his surplus 
products. He can find a buyer only if he can encourage some 
one else to be a seller. 

Senator Simmons has warned the Republicans of the Ford- 
ney-McCumber bill's menace to our foreign trade. 

"I think we will all agree that the effect of the exclusion 
or undue restriction of imports of foreign products at this 
time, especially the products of our allies during the war, 
who have always been and are yet the best customers for our 
goods, would now, of all times, be the most inopportune," said 
Senator Simmons. ''Such a restriction in pre-war times 
would not have seriously affected our export business with 
Eujope. Europe was then our creditor. Our annual interest 
payments to her were large. We were dependent upon her for 
our ocean transportation, and our payments to her on this ac- 
count were also large. Her treasuries were full of gold, her 
currencies at par, and she was able to pay for what she might 
buy from us. 

"That situation has completely changed as a result of the 
war. We paid off our European indebtedness during the war; 
we owe her nothing. The situation is reversed, and to-day 
they owe us around $11,000,000,000. She will soon begin to 
pay us annually between five and six hundred million dollars 



31 

in interest charges. We now have a merchant fleet adequate 
to our requirements, and we need no longer employ European 
ships to transport our products to foreign markets. As a re- 
sult of the war the gold of the world has been dra^vn to this 
country. Millions upon millions of it lies idle in American 
vaults. Europe has not a dollar of gold she can spare. The 
little she has is not sufficient to maintain her currency at 
parity. In these conditions — and in a large measure they re- 
flect conditions not only in Europe but in the outside world — 
if by tariff rates we cut off importations from abroad or 
materially reduce importations over the low and approxi- 
mately normal levels which I have shown now exist, it will be 
impossible for foreign countries, especially our allies in Eur- 
ope, to continue to buy our products, because largely the only 
means they now have of paying for them is that of exchange 
of merchandise. 

"The argument has been made by many who favor the high 
protective tariff rates in this bill that Europe can not pay the 
interest upon the money she now owes us unless we freely buy 
her goods. Nobody doubts the soundness of this statement 
so far as I have heard. If it be true that Europe is only able 
to pay us interest upon her debt through the process of ex- 
change of merchandise, it is logically and necessarily equally 
true that Europe can pay for her purchases of merchandise 
from us only by way of exchange of commodities. It ought 
to require no argument to show that in present conditions if 
we cease to buy from the outside world, especially Europe, 
there is no way for them to pay for what they buy from us 
unless we extend them credit or lend them money with which 
to buy, and to do that in the face of present conditions, es- 
pecially of our debtors in Europe, would bring disaster in the 
end both to us as lender and to them as borrower. Now, the 
corollary of this situation is that if we can not sell our suiplus 
products abroad we must inevitably reduce* production, which 
would mean increased unemployment. 

"Let us briefly analyze that situation. We now produce an 
enormous exportable surplus. Heretofore we have sold this' 
surplus abroad, and it has been the foundation of our great 
national prosperity and the marvelous expansion of our in- 
dustries of farm, factory, and field during the last quarter of 
a century. If we can not sell this surplus abroad we can not 
sell it at all and it will become worse than worthless. It will 
cease to be an asset and become a dangerous liability, as I 
have shown,, if we can not sell it abroad, or at least in suffi- 
cient quantities to relieve against the demoralization of a con- 
gested and hopelessly overstocked market. 



32 
"If we lose our foreiem markets for our exportable surplus, 
or to the extent to which we lose our foreigni market by the 
imposition of these drastic tariff restrictions, unemployment 
of labor must follow, reduction in production, and a stoppagre 
of further expansion in all of our industrial pursuits. This 
would be inevitable. Obviously, our farmers, our manufac- 
turers, our mine owners, can give employment to labor only to 
the extent that they can find markets for labor products." 

Reprisals By European Countries 

The passage of the Fordney-McCumber bill through the 
House of Representatives was followed almost immediately 
by reprisals on the part of several European countries — ^for- 
merly our good customers. Spain retaliated by imposing a 
practical prohibition on the import of our vegetable oils. 
Switzerland has enacted a retaliatory tariff law against us, 
and Canada, in a number of tariff acts and prosposals, has 
shown her resentment against the foolish and harmful pro- 
visions of the Fordney-McCumber bill. What these countries 
have done may be expected from others. 

"We can not sell abroad if we do not buy." 

The Democratic Tariff Law Which Gave Prosperity 

American prosperity from 1913 to 1920 was in many re- 
spects a fruit of the wise and salutary Underwood-Simmons 
tariff law. Every class of Americans shared in that pros- 
perity. Manufacturers, merchants, farmers and wage work- 
ers — all of these were never more fully and profitably en- 
gaged than they were under the administration and legisla- 
tion given them by the Democrats between 1913 and 1921. 
The fact of this national prosperity and progress is so well 
remembered that there is hardly need for recalling it, but 
the record is always worth having. Here it is in brief sum- 
mary: 

When Woodrow Wilson went into ofiice as President in 
1913, the estimated wealth of the United States was $185,- 
000,000,000 ; when he retired at the end of eight years it was 
$300,000,000,000, a gain of $115,000,000,000. 

The present estimated wealth of the United States is $225,- 
000,000,000, showing a decrease of $75,000,000,000 in the 
seventeen months a Republican administration has been in 
power. 

These figures were recently stated by Senator King (Dem. 
Utah), upon the floor of the Senate. They are approximately 
^^orrect. 

Thirty billion dollars of this wealth was in the hands of 
the farmers. 

The manufacturing, mining and other great industries had 



49 
DEMOCRATIC CONGRESS (1913-14) 

(Progressive and Constructive) 
VS. 

REPUBLICAN CONGRESS (1921-22) 

(Reactionary and Destructive) 

In the first seventeen months of the Wilson administratiofl 
the Democratic Congress passed the following constructive 
and progressive legislation: The Underwood-Simmons Tariff 
bill (passed House inside thirty days; passed Senate inside 
five months), a bill which provided revenue to the Govern- 
ment, stimulated domestic and foreign trade by providing a 
competitive market; a graduated Income ts* bill, taxing pro- 
portionately those best able to pay taxes; an act of mediation 
and conciliation to settle labor disputes; the F'ederal Reserve 
Banking Act, the greatest and soundest piece of financial 
legislation in the history of the world when properly admin- 
istered; creation of the Vocational Education Commission; 
the Lever Agricultural Extension Act; an act limiting hours 
for women employees in District of Columbia; Alaskan Rail- 
way Act, to open up and develop the resources of Alaska; 
repeal of Panama Canal toils exemption for American ships 
to keep our treaty obligation; (Act afterwards repealed by 
Republican Congress in violation of existing treaty) ; Clayton 
Anti-Trust Act; Creating Federal Trade Commission; Cot- 
ton Futures Act; American Registry for foreign built ships. 
These are set forth in detail herein. 

The present Republican Do-Nothing Congress was called 
in special session April 11, 1921, primarily to pass a tax re- 
vision bill and a tariff bill; it adjourned in November. The 
net result of the special session was a tax revision bill, which 
the late Senator Penrose declared to be a "makeshift," say- 
ing the work would all have to be done over again. Senator 
Smoot (Rep., Utah), agreed with him. The Tariff bill went 
over until the regular session. One-half of the work for 
which the special session was called was botched and the 
other half left undone. 

The tax revision bill was a mere shifting, not a lifting, of 
taxes. It untaxed the rich and overtaxed the p.oor. The only 
persons who got relief under it were the multimillionaire and 
profiteering classes. 

Democratic amendments in the Senate, accepted by the 
Progressive Republicans and their acceptance forced upon the 
reactionary Old Guard by a coalition of Democrats and Pro- 
gressive Republicans, kept the tax bill from being as utterly 
and wholly bad as it was originally. The reactionary Repub- 
licans attempted to reduce the higher surtaxes of the very 



50 

rich from 65 per cent to 32 per cent or even 25 per cent. 
President Harding wrote a letter pleading for a reduction to 
32 per cent and suggesting a compromise at 40 per cent, but 
the Democrats and Progressive Republicans stuck to the 
Democratic amendment of 50 per cent and passed it, admin- 
istering a humiliating rebuke to the President as vi^ell as a 
personal defeat. 

Other major legislation of the special session which may- 
be charged to the Republicans was the Emergency Tariff 
Act and the Separate Peace Resolution. Agricultural prices 
began to decline immediately after the passage of the Emer- 
gency Tariff Act^as passed. The Separate Peace Resolu- 
tion, which Senator Lodge had previously said would "brand 
us v/ith everlasting dishonor," was a mere gesture of the 
administration, upon which President Harding did not even 
issue a proclamation. 

The balance of the legislation passed at the special ses- 
sion was non-partisan, for which the Republicans can claim 
no more credit than the Democrats. It consisted in most 
part of bridge and dam and public buildings and public 
grounds bills, with the usual heavy Republican deficiency ap- 
propriation bills. 



DEMOCRATIC CONSTRUCTIVE LEGISLATION 
(Wilson Administrations) 

More constructive and progressive legislation in behalf of 
the people was passed during the eight years of the Demo- 
cratic administrations of Woodrow Wilson than in any other 
national administration, or, in the previous sixteen years of 
Republican rule, and including the legislation in the Harding 
administration to date. 

The following is a list of the most important constructive 
and progressive legislation from the last Democratic admin- 
istration, passed by a Democratic House and a Democratic 
Senate and signed by a Democratic President: 

Finance and Business 

The Federal Resei've Banking Act, which took from Wall 
Street the control over the volume of money and invested the 
power in the Government itself. This act put an end to the 
money trust, gave firm stability to banks and to credit and 
provided the nation for the first time in its history with an 
elastic currency — its greatest financial need. Under 1 lis act 
the Democratic administration financed the United States and 
allied and associated nations in the World War without a 
panic, leaving the credit of the nation secure and transform- 



51 
ing the United States from a debtor nation to a creditor na- 
tion — in a business way the most stupendous and successful 
undertaking in history. 

Federal Trade Commission act, with authority to suppress 
unfair practices in commerce and to aid the American people 
to correct the abuses of monopoly and of profiteers. 

Clayton Anti-Trust act, which provides means by which 
the Government may check and cure monopoly. 

Extension of Parcel Post act giving the American people 
lelief from the Express Company trust by reducing charges 
and increasing the weight limit on packages. 

Postal Savings Bank System Amendment, broadening the 
scope of the system and increasing the maximum amount 
allowed to be deposited, thus enlarging the usefulness of 
these banks. 

Federal Reserve Bank Law Amendment permitting the 
association of national banks to establish branches in foreign 
countries. 

Tariff 

Underwood-Simmons Competitive Tariff Act, revising the 
Payne-Aldrich Republican "Robber" Tariff, cutting down pro- 
hibitive schedules that sheltered monopoly, taking the tariff 
tax off the necessities of life and placing it upon luxuries, 
stimulating both imports and exports by providing genuine 
competition, under which the nation saw the greatest pros- 
perity in its history. 

Tariff Commission Act, designed to take the tariff out of 
politics and put imports on a scientific, equitable basis. 

Taxation 

Income Tax law, providing a graduated system of incom.e 
tax, which places taxation relatively on those best able to 
bear it, and at the same time meet the fair cost of govern- 
ment. 

Inheritance Tax act, levying a just tax on large bequests, 
adding to government income and making the wealth of the 
country pay for its own protection. 

Excess Profits Tax act, taxing excess or exorbitant profits 
and taxing munitions of war, so that those who benefited by 
abnormal conditions would bear the burden of taxation. 

Taxation 

Farm Loan act, enabling the farmers to borrow money on 
long-term notes at low rate of interest through the issuance 
of farm loan bonds. Under this act $714,269,703 have been 
loaned to fanners up to June 30, 1922. 

Smith-Lever Agricultural Extension act, which has put at 



52 

the disposal of fanners, producers of live stock and or- 
chardists not only the vast store of information acquired by 
the Department of Agriculture in agriculture, horticulture, 
animal industry, bee culture, farm economics, forestry, can- 
ning and preserving, poultry raising, etc., but the services of 
experts and demonstration fanns to apply this information to 
agricultural needs. 

Cotton Futures act, which restricts for the benefit of the 
producer and consumer alike hurtful speculation in cotton 
futures. 

Federal Warehouse act, giving the Government regulation 
of warehouses and providing negotiable warehouse receipts. 

Uniform Grain Grading act, which safeguards the producer 
and the buyer from arbitrary, unfair or dishonest rating in 
valuation of grain. 

Bureau of Farm Markets and Bureau of Farm Management. 

Good Roads act, appropriating $85,000,000, to build roads 
in cooperation with the states, connecting the farms with 
the cities and markets. 

Labor Legislation 

Creating of a Department of Labor, making the head 
thereof a member of the Cabinet. 

Creation of a Federal Labor Employment Bureau. 

Workmen's Compensation act, providing payments in acci- 
dent and death in industry. 

President Wilson's Eight-Hour Law for Employees, which 
averted a national railroad strike and provided for Federal 
investigation of railroads by a joint Congressional Committee. 

Establishment of a Woman's Bureau in the Department of 
Labor, the usefulness of which was destroyed for a long time 
by a Republican Congress refusing to make appropriations 
for its support. 

Minimum Wage act. 

A.ct declaring that labor is "not a commodity," and forbid- 
ding human flesh and blood to be dealt in as a chattel. 

A special enactment exempting labor organizations and 
farmers' associations from the inhibitions of the Anti-Trust 
act. 

Domestic and Foreign Commerce 

Shipping law, which established the Shipping Board for 
the purpose of fostering a naval auxiliary, a naval reserve, 
and a merchant marine so that now America possesses 10,- 
000,000 tons of shipping to take her commerce to every port 
in the world. 

Law providing for Government insurance on ship cargoes 
during World War as a measure of assistance to American 
commerce. 



53 
Humanitarian Legislation 

Child-labor law, which though it has been declared invalid 
by the Supreme Court, attempted to meet a great humani- 
tarian need and to stimulate public sentim.ent to accomplish 
a constitutional remedy against the exploitation of little chil- 
dren in industry. 

Vocational Training act, to furnish vocational instruction 
to men and women who previously had no such opportunity, 
and to provide for the training of foimer service men and 
women that they may be enabled to find and hold better jobs. 

Act to improve the Public Health Service and make it a 
bigger and better agency in the fight against disease and 
for the conservation of human life. 

Measures that insure generous and continuous care for 
sick and disabled soldiers, sailors and marines who fought 
for their country in the World War. 

Seamen's act to give liberty to those who labor on the 
high sea&, to abolish the slavery of which seamen v/ere the 
victims, to provide better conditions of life on ships; to safe- 
guard crews and passengers, and to make the calling of 
seamen more attractive to young Americans. 

Popular Government 

Resolution submitting to the States a Constitutional 
Amendment providing for the direct election of United States 
Senators, thus making the upper house of Congress more 
responsive to the opinions and wishes of the people. 

Democratization of the committees of the United States 
Senate by giving them control of chairmen and of con- 
ferees. 

Acts forbidding bribery and other forms of corruption in 
the election of Senators and Representatives. 

Resolution submitting to the Senate the Nineteenth Amend- 
ment to the Constitution to enfranchise millions of American 
women and give them a voice and a vote in the affairs of the 
Government. 

Miscellaneous Legislation 

Authorizing $11,000,000 for Government armor plate plant; 
authoring $20,000,000 for Government nitrate plant; an act 
taxing munitions of war; drastic retaliatory legislation 
against belligerent nations which discriminated against 
American firms and American products. 

The President furnished Government money to move crops 
when the private money powers were holding great surpluses 
for speculative purposes. 

The President averted a threatened panic at th§ outbreak 



54 

of the World War by offering to use Government money to 
handle the business situation. 

Numerous laws for the promotion of legislative business 
and industry, the extension of transoceanic commerce, the 
safeguarding of the nation's natural resources, the protection 
of American rights abroad, the defense of the country, and 
the enhancement of the national prosperity. 

The World War 

The American people under a Democratic administration 
waged the greatest war in all history and brought victory to. 
American arms. A Democratic programme for world peace, 
formulated by President Wilson and approved by the con- 
science of the American people, was defeated by partisan 
obstructionists for political ends. In like manner a Republi- 
can Congress, elected in 1918 just prior to the Armistice, 
defeated the greatest and, most comprehensive reconstruction 
programme proposed by the Democratic administration in 1919 
for the early settlement of all post-war problems. 

This same Republican Congress obstructed, delayed or de- 
feated all of the fundamentals of both the foreign and 
domestic policies — political, economic and social — of the 
Democratic administration during 1919-1920, resulting in the 
Republican panic of 1921-22, with a loss in prices and values 
approaching $50,000,000,000. 



REPUBLICAN REACTIONARY LEGISLATION 

(Harding Administration) 

Here is the almost barren record of the Republican reac- 
tionary Do-Nothing Congress, which is asking re-election. 
What beneficial legislation was passed was due either to a 
revival of previous Democratic legislation, or was non-parti- 
san in character receiving the support of both parties, or 
was forced upon reactionary members by a coalition of Demo- 
crats and Progressive Republicans. 

Tariff Revision 

Emergency Tariff act, passed in May, 1921, in special ses- 
sion, placing high duty on agricultural products; but also im- 
posing high duties on all manufactured products which the 
farmer has to buy, including all farm machinery and imple- 
ments, bagging, twine and fertilizer. From the day of the 
passage of the Emergency Tariff bill farm products began 
to decline in price. Grain exports fell off 50 per cent during 
ten months ending with April, 1922, as compared with the 
same ten months in 3921. 



55 
Tax Revision 

Tax Revision law, which is notable principally for its re- 
ductions and exemptions of taxes previously imposed on 
great wealth. It repealed the transportation tax, the 
"luxury" taxes, and the excess profits tax, and lowered the 
surtaxes on very large incomes. 

By eliminating the excess profits tax, the Republican Con- 
gress saved the big corporations and multimillionaires some 
$450,000,000 a year in taxes. The reduction of the surtaxes 
on the incomes of the wealthiest people of the country from 
65 to 50 per cent relieved these individuals of $61,500,000 in 
taxes each year. These various taxes — more than $500,000,- 
000 a year — ^wei^ shifted from the very rich to the smaller 
taxpayers, for some one had to pay. 

An attempt to relieve coi-porations doing business abroad 
from the payment of $300,000,000 in taxes was defeated by a 
coalition of Democrats and Progressive Republicans, who 
prevented the. present Republican tax law from being more 
unjust and burdensome than it is now — and it is the worst 
ever written. 

Agricultural Legislation 

Extension of Credits act, appropriating $25,000,000 addi- 
tional, through the Farm Loan Board and Federal Land 
banks. The Democrats attempted to make the appropria- 
tion $50,000,000, but Republican floor leader Mondell made a 
speech against it and the Republicans refused to increase the 
amount. This extension of credits to farmers originated with 
Western Progressive Republicans and Democrats and was 
not a partisan measure. The Farm Loan Board and the 
Farm Loan banks were created by a Democratic administra- 
tion. 

Amendment to Federal highway act, appropriating $75,- 
000,000 to aid- the several states to construct good roads. 
The original Federal highway act was passed by a Democratic 
Congress and approved by a Democratic President. The 
Democrats in the present Congress endeavored to increase 
the latest appropriation from $75,000,000 to $100,000,000 a 
year, but the Republican leaders rejected the amendment. 
The measure finally was adopted with little opposition. 

Cooperative Marketing of Farm Products act, passed by 
the Senate after a delay of several months. Non-partisan. 

Grain Futures act. This law had Democratic support. 

Law to finance exportation of farm products. This per- 
mits the War Finance Corporation to lend to foreign business 
concerns $50,000,000 in the aggregate to be expended in the 
purchase of American farm products. Supported by Demo- 



56 

crats and Republicans alike. The War Finance Corporation 
was a Democratic creation and functioned throughout the 
war without criticism. 

Agricultural Inquiry Commission authorized by Congress 
to collect data on farm problems. Non-partisan. 

Packers' and Stockyards act, which had for its purpose 
the regulation of interstate and foreign commerce in live 
stock, live-stock products, dairy products, and eggs, etc. 
This measure was supported by many Democrats with the 
understanding that the Federal Trade Commission should be 
charged with its enforcement. Republicans emasculated the 
law by putting its enforcement in the Department of Agri- 
culture. 

An amendment to the Farm Loan act provides that any 
fixed charges upon the land in favor of the Government for 
improvements for reclamation work shall be deducted from 
the amount which would otherwise be authorized to be loan- 
ed under the farm loan act. Democrats supported this, en- 
larging the original act, which was part of the beneficial 
legislation passed under the Wilson Administration. 
Financial 

Amendment to Federal Reserve act to include farmers in 
membership of Federal Reserve Board. President Harding 
and Republican leaders in Congress resisted this recognition 
of the agricultural interests until compelled by the "Farm 
Bloc" and the Democrats to consent. The Federal Reserve 
Board was created by Democratic legislation. 

Foreign Debt Refunding act was passed after Democrats 
had compelled its amendment to provide for a Commission 
to fix the terms and conditions under which foreign govern- 
ments should liquidate their indebtedness to the United 
States. The Republican administration and the Republican 
Congress originally attempted to give the Secretary of the 
Treasury plenary powers to handle these $11,000,000,000 
loans. In violation of the Constitution, which prohibits mem- 
bers of Congress from serving on such a commission. Presi- 
dent Harding appointed two members — Smoot (Rep. Utah), 
and Burton (Rep., Ohio), as members of the Commission on 
the refunding of the foreign debts. 

Immigration Act 

Immigration law, restricting the admission of aliens to the 
United States, was passed without opposition. 

Budget Law 

First Budget bill was proposed and passed by Democrats 
during the Wilson administration. President Wilson disap- 



57 
proved that particular measure, for good reasons. The bud- 
get law nov/ operative was not opposed by the Democrats. 
The law as administered by Republicans has been a disap- 
pointment to its friends in both parties. 

Appointment of Additional Federal Judges 

The law providing for the appointment of twenty-three ad- 
ditional Federal judges was urged by Attorney General Daug- 
herty, who contended that it was necessaiy to take care of 
the increase in the number of cases in the Federal courts. 
Lreading Democrats in the House opposed the measure as un- 
necessary and extravagant and contemplating a larger num- 
ber of judges and greater expenditure of money than the 
growth in the business of the Federal courts warranted. 
Senate Democrats were divided on the question. Eight 
favored and twelve opposed it. 

Miscellaneous Legislation 

Law to donate $20,000,000 for food and the purchase of 
seed grain and a law authorizing the release of medicines 
held by the War Department of the relief of the suffering 
people of Russia. The Democrats gave their hearty support 
to these humanitarian measures. 

Law^ reorganizing and concentrating under one head the 
agencies having to do with the compensation, care aiid treat- 
ment of disabled former service men and women. This act 
simply consolidated all the soldiers' bureaus ci'eated by the 
last Democratic administration. 

The Maternity Act was uro-ed by thousands of men and 
women, irrespective of party affiliations. It was not viewed 
by the Democrats as a partisan measure. 

The Women's Bureau of the Department of Labor was 
originally established during the war to safeguard women in 
industry. This law enlarges and perpetuates the emergency 
bureau. Democrats and Republicans were found on both 
sides of the proposition. One of its bitterest opponents was 
Representative Joseph G. Cannon (Rep., 111.). 

Appropriations for Prosecution of War Frauds. This law, 
put at the disposal of the Attorney General $500,000 to defray 
the expense of investigating and prosecuting alleged war 
frauds. There was no record vote on the bill. 

The Cable Act prohibits the unauthorized landing of sub- 
marine cables in any American territory. It came as the 
sequel to the action of the Wilson administration to prevent 
the landing of a Western Union cable at Miami, Fla. 



58 
Pending Legislation 

The Fordney-McCumber Tariff bill also known as the Pro- 
fiteers' Tariff bill, denounced as the worst tariff bill ever in- 
troduced in Congress by the press and by the public without 
regard to party. It taxes the people $4,000,0000,000, an 
amount equal to all other taxes levied for the support of the 
Government. It increases the cost of living by adding to the 
cost of practically every article produced or manufactured. 

TKe Ship Subsidy bill provides for the sale of $3,000,000,- 
000 worth of the merchant ships of the Merchant Marines for 
approximately $200,000,000, and a subsidy or bonus, estimated 
at $750,000,000, to guarantee purchasers against loss. The 
subsidies are so arranged that the purchasers can pay for 
the ships out of the subsidy they get from the Government. 
It also provides heavy exemptions from taxes for the pur- 
chasers. 

The Soldiers' Bonus bill providing a bonus in the form of 
adjusted compensations to veterans of the World War. The 
Republicans have made it a football of politics and it is pre- 
dicted that President Harding will veto it if passed in its 
present form. 

CHIEF INCREASES IN FORDNEY-McCUMBER TARIFF 

Democratic members of the Senate Finance Committee 
have estimated the chief increases in the McCumber bill 
over the rate in the present Underwood-Simmons law. A 
tabular statement of these increases as published in the New 
York Times is as follows: 

I 1 C 05 (M +jn3 

^ C 0-;^ N Co 

>^r - "£ 

"2 O^ C = Org 

c« ^ o ^ ^ o OS 

S g II §2 ^ S I 

Cotton Manufactures _.. 34.2% 54.0% 58.0% 

Silk Manufactures 42.6% 59.0% 38.5% 

Wool Manufactures ..;.... 31.6% 75.0% 137.3% 

Clothing 51.9% 74.0% 42.6% 

Earthen, Stone & Chinaware 47.0% 61.0% 29.8% 

Glassware 35.2% 44.0% 25.0% 

Sugar, refined 17.4% 68.5% 293.7% 

Buttons 35.9% 96.0% 167.4% 

Cutlery 39.3% 184.0% 368.2% 

Hardware 20.0% 40.0% 100.0% 

Sewing Machines Free 30.0% 

Clocks and Watches 27.8% 41.0% 47.5% 



59 

REPUBLICAN CONSPIRACY OF 1918-20 

By Cordell Hull 

The late war left the public mind confused and bewildered. 
In order to bring the nation back to normal conditions, it 
was all-important that each political party should unselfish- 
ly cooperate in the task of restoring an educated and sound 
public opinion. Such state of the public mind would have 
operated both as a stabilizer and a guide to the adoption of 
wise and timely measures calculated most effectively to solve 
post-war conditions. Far from pursuing this patriotic course, 
but taking the direct opposite, reactionary Republican leaders, 
in their selfish greed for power, as early as 1918 formed a 
conspiracy to further demoralize public thought and debauch 
the public mind, as the only means of discrediting the Demo- 
cratic administration and regaining control of the Govern- 
ment. 

This deliberate plan proposed to arouse every sort of pas- 
sion, prejudice, suspicion and misunderstanding possible to 
reach through the agency of hundreds of millions of circu- 
lars, pamphlets, posters, papers, bill boards, and thousands 
of hired traveling agents and soap-box speakers. These ac- 
tivities, supported by unlimited money, were prosecuted from 
the fall of 1918 until the last ballot was cast in November, 
1920. Public sentiment and the public mind were thus kept 
dazed and in hopeless confusion for two years after the war, 
with the natural result that loose thinking, impractical and 
abnormal ideas and lax conduct everywhere became preva- 
lent, and it is not too much to infer that a share of the in- 
creased lawlessness sweeping over the country of late owes 
its origin to a public sentiment which was influenced during 
this long period by a continuous sluice of false and misleading 
Republican propaganda. 

The second policy of this great partisan conspiracy was, 
during the same period, to make unlimited promises to each 
racial and religious group, to labor, to capital, to agriculture, 
to business. Every radical wish was speedily to be gratified, 
every religious prejudice or notion would be appeased, labor 
was to get shorter hours and higher wages, the farmer was 
rapidly to become richer from the morning after the Novem- 
ber election, taxes on business were to become but a remini- 
scence, certain manufacturers were promptly to be given a 
Chinese tariff wall, the coast-wise ship owners were to have 
free Panama Canal tolls at once, the larger railroad owners 
were to get further access to the treasury to the extent of 
$500,000,000, an association of nations was referred to in a 



60 

nebulous, vague and sometimes mysterious way during the 
campaign as being one of the first items on the Republican 
programme, and finally, and above all, unbounded Republican 
prosperity with a fuller dinner pail would be ushered in al- 
most from the very day of the November election, 1920. 

The third and final step in this conspiracy of reactionary 
Republican leaders was, urging the same two-year period, 
to adopt a uniform course of venomous partisan opposition or 
indefinite delay to most all Democratic policies, foreign and 
domestic. These partisan tactics practically deadlocked our 
own Government during 1919 and 1920, caused suspense, un- 
certainty* and economic complications at home, and brought 
Europe to a virtual standstill for three years. Republican 
leaders were thus successful in the prosecution of their 
nation-wide political conspiracy. 

These same leaders, in control of both houses of Congress 
after 1918, had it within their power during this critical stage 
either to render patriotic cooperation so as to permit America 
and other nations in a spirit of sane, practical cooperation to 
move forward with the work of post-war restoration and reha- 
bilitation, or by hamstringing our Government, Republicans 
could defeat and delay the pressing settlement of the great 
domestic and related world problems involved, for two years, 
with such resultant political, social, and business demorali- 
zation as would inevitably follow. Theirs was an awful re- 
sponsibility, but Republican leaders chose the road to selfish 
power, knowing at the time that the American people prob- 
ably would have to pay an awful panic penalty. Yes, in- 
tolerant and bigoted Republican leaders thus rode into power 
and plunged the nation into an industrial panic. 



REDUCING EMPLOYEES UPWARD 

The Republicans claim to be reducing the number of 
Government employees. On December 31, 1921, there were 
75,759 employes in the District of Columbia as shown by the 
reports of the Civil Service Commission; on January 31 this 
number had been reduced by 401. On December 31, 1921, the 
total employes in the District and in the field were 568,326; 
on January 31 there were 492,567. A.t the end of the fiscal 
year 1916, the year before we entered the war, there were 
438,057 employes; the number now is 560,863. 

The Veterans' Bureau has 18,500 employes — an enormous 
overhead charge and expense which takes money out of the 
pockets of disabled soldiers. 

And all this four years after the war. 



61 
REPUBLICAN BROKEN PROMISES 

Failure to Keep Pledges Has Brought Distress to Nation 
and Scandal to G. O. P. 

The Republicans promised the nation PROSPERITY. 

They have given it ADVERSITY. 

When Woodrow Wilson went into office as President in 
1913 the estimated wealth of the United States Vv^as $185,- 
000,000,000; when he retired at the end of eight years it was 
$300,000,000,000, a gain of $115,000,000,000. 

The present estimated wealth of the United States is J^225,- 
000,000,000, showing a decrease of $75,000,000,000 in less 
than two years the Harding administration has been in power. 

Profiteers and Plutocrats Relieved of $500,000,000 in Taxes 

The Republicans promised to reduce taxes. 

Taxes have been shifted not lifted. There has been no re- 
duction. The multimillionaire and profiteering classes were 
relieved of paying $450,000,000 in taxes by the repeal of the 
Excess Profits Tax and $61,500,000 by a reduction in the 
liigher surtax; an attempt w^as made to reduce the higher 
surtax from 65 to 32 per cent, but Democratic amendments 
supported by progressive Republicans kept the rate at 50 
per cent. The same Democratic amendments saved the people 
$300,000,000 in taxes, which the reactionary Republicans at- 
tempted to take off foreign traders and domestic corporations 
engaged in foreign trade. 

Farmers Lose $30,000,000,000 

The Republicans promised to stimulate agriculture. 

Since the Republican party was voted into power in 1920 
the American farmers alone have suffered a loss of near 
$30,000,000,000 in values of fai-m property and farm pro- 
ducts. Under the Emergency Tariff act the prices of agri- 
cultural products have rapidly declined without permanent 
recovery. Under the Fordney-McCumber Tariff act the far- 
mer will pay $5 on everything he buys for each $1 of "protec- 
tion" he gets. Foreign markets in which the farmer sold his 
surplus at a good profit, have been destroyed. The farmers 
have burnt com for fuel while Europe starved for the need 
of it. 

Foreign Trade Falls Off $7,500,000,000 
. The Republicans promised to stimulate industry and busi- 
ness. 

They brought on an industrial panic. Our foreign trade 
declined from $13,500,000,000 in 1920 to near $6,000,000,000 in 
1922. Our exports fell from $8,500,000,000 for the fiscal 
year of 1921 to $3,770,000,000 for the fiscal year of 1922. 



62 

Through the industrial panic of 1921-22 there has been a 
slump in prices and values approaching $50,000,000,000. 

Republicans Increase Expenses of Government Over 
$1,000,000,000 

The Republicans promised economy in government. 

Eliminating all appropriations and expenses due solely to 
war, they have increased the running expenses of every de- 
partment of the Government. Comparing the expenditures 
of the year 1915, three years before the war, with 1923 (bud- 
get), three years after the war, they have increased the 
running expenses of the Government by $536,000,000. In 
addition to which there is an estimated deficit of $500,000,000 
more, making a net increase of over $1,000,000,000. 

Idleness and Reduced Wages for Labor 
The Republicans promised employment to labor at good 
wagfjs. 

There have been as many as 6,000,000 idle men at one time 
since the Harding administration came into office; wages 
have not been maintained, but have been heavily reduced, out 
of all proportion to the cost of living, and strikes, disorder 
and violence have been prevalent in many sections. 

Fail to Reduce Cost of Living 

The Republicans promised to reduce the cost of living. 

They are increasing the cost of living by the passage of a 
profiteering tariff bill, estimated to cost the consumers 
$4,000,000,000 a year, with little or no benefit to the Treasury. 
The cost of living is from 65 to 70 per cent higher now than 
in July, 1914, a month before the World War. 

No Prosecution of Profiteers 

The Republicans promised to prosecute the profiteers. 
No war profiteers or any other kind of profiteer has been 
convicted by the Harding administration. 

Would Give Away Merchant Marine With $750,000,000 
Bonus 

The Republicans promised to formulate an American mer- 
chant marine policy. 

They now propose to sell $3,000,000,000 worth of ships of 
the American Merchant Marine for approximately $200,000,- 
000 and pay the purchasers a bonus of $750,000,000 in ten 
years and exempt them from various forms of taxes. 

Failed to Settle Mexican Problem 

The Republicans promised to settle the Mexican problem. 
The Mexican problem is just where it was left by the 
Democratic administration. 



63 
Four Deficiency Appropriations in 1922 

The Republicans promised through a budget system to do 
away with deficiency appropriations. 

The Republican Congress passed four deficiency bills for 
the fiscal year of 1922, amounting to $345,622,516.82. The 
estimated Treasury deficit for 1923 is $500,000,000. 

Bad and Scandalous Appointments 

The Republicans promised to raise the standard of individ- 
ual efficiency by appointing only competent and efficient men 
to office. 

With rare exceptions the record of appointments has been 
generally bad and has resulted in more scandals than in any 
administration since the reconstruction period following the 
Civil War. The following are examples of the worst ap- 
pointments made by President Harding: 

Harry M. Daugherty, Attorney General, one of the attor- 
neys for Charles W. Morse involved in the scandal of Morse's 
release from prison; criticized in a House resolution intro- 
duced by Republican members for failure to prosecute war 
profiteers. Personal friend and political sponsor for Presi- 
dent Harding. 

Albert B. F&ll, Secretary of the Interior, who secretly 
leased the remaining naval oil reserves for private exploita- 
tion to private concerns, including subsidiaries of the Stand- 
ard Oil Company. The naval oil leases scandal has become 
as malodorous as the Ballinger scandal was in the Taft ad- 
ministration. 

Albert D. Lasker, Chairman of the Shipping Board, a for- 
mer advertising agent, who has employed a multitude of 
oflace assistants at salaries ranging from $10,000 to $35,000 
a year. 

Nat Goldstein, Collector of Internal Revenue at St. Louis, 
who admitted receiving $2,500 of Lowden campaign money in 
the Presidential primaries when he was a candidate for dele- 
gate to the Republican National Convention. Goldstein's con- 
firmation was defeated. 

Roy Davis, Minister to Costa Rica, who admitted he had 
received $500 of Lowden money. 

W. L. Cole, special assistant to the Attorney General, who 
got $500 of the Lowden campaign fund and $1,250 from 
Harry M. Daugherty. 

George Harvey, Ambassador to Great Britain, whose recall 
was demanded by American Legion posts. War Mothers and 
the public generally for a slanderous and insulting speech 



64 

in which he declared that America had fought in the World 
War to save her skin and not for patriotic or ideal motives. 

In the list of Ministers Plenipotentiary appointed, sixteen 
were without previous experience, replacing trained and ex- 
perienced men. 

Henry Lincoln Johnson, Register of Deeds in District of 
Columbia, former negro National Committeeman from 
Georgia, whose nomination was rejected on the motion of 
Senator Watson of that state, who said: "I laid before the 
Senate certified copies of the court records of Fulton County, 
Ga., where Johnson lived and practiced law, showing that he 
had been convicted there of embezzling the funds of a client, 
which he did not repay imtil last July." 

Henry C. Myers, Postmaster at Caro, Mich., indicted with 
Truman H. Newberry for a violation of the Corrupt Prac- 
tices A-ct. 

Earl Davis, U. S. District Attorney for the eastern district 
of Michigan, indicted with Newberry. 

Edward J. Bowman, U. S. District Attorney for the western 
district of Michigan, indicted with Newberry. 

James R. Davis, Prohibition Officer of Michigan, indicted 
with Newberry. 

Fred Cronnenwett, Division Prohibition Officer of Michigan, 
indicted with Newberry. 

E. Mont. Reiley, Governor of Porto Rico, manager of Mr. 
Harding's p re-convention western campaign, and husband of 
Mrs. Harding's cousin, involved in a grand jury presentment 
concerning the misuse of funds. 

Elmer Dover, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, former 
secretary of Mark Hanna, appointed to "Hardingize" the Civil 
Service by replacing Democrats in office with Republicans. 
The popular revolt and indignation against "Hardingizing" 
the Government offices interfered with this plan, and Mr. 
Dover resigned. 

George W. Upton, member of Federal Trade Commission. 
Defeated for confirmation on motion of Senator Pomerene of 
Ohio, on the ground that he had no qualifications whatever 
for the job. He is the husband of Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton, 
Vice-Chairman of the Republican National Committee. 

Civil Service Trampled Under Foot 

The Republicans promised an honest and a thorough en- 
forcement of the Civil Service. 

The Republican administration has trampled it under foot, 
and in addition to the appointment of Republican politicians 



65 
to succeed Democrats who were appoiiited Und6r Civil Service, 
the administration has been guilty of the grossest discrimi- 
nation against ex-service men, both Democrats and Repub- 
licans. This was made possible by an executive order mak- 
ing any one of the highest three on the Civil Service list 
eligible for appointment, revoking the executive order of 
President Wilson which made the highest person on the list 
the appointee. In many cases when none of the highest three 
was a Republican, new examinations were ordered. 

•Two Republican National Committeemen have been pub- 
licly charged in the Senate of the United States with selling 
appointments, and the Republican Congress has refused to 
investigate the charges. 

Twenty-nine officials of the Bureau of Engraving and 
Printing, with services ranging from twenty to thirty-nine 
years, were discharged by an executive order, four of them 
women, and placed under the suspicion of wrong-doing, and 
although an investigation showed all of these employees to 
be honest and efficient nothing has been done to remove the 
disgrace or repair the injustice. Of the officials named in 
their places, two were in the divorce courts at the time. 

Another Republican disregard of political morality and de- 
cency was the seating of Senator Tiniman H. Newberry of 
Michigan in a purchased seat. 

Follow Democratic Foreign Policy Except in Peace of 
r Dishonor and in 4-Power Pact 

The Republicans promised to reverse the foreign policies 
of the Wilson administration. 

They have followed all of the foreign policies of the Wilson 
administration, except in the making of a separate peace, 
which Senator Lodge said "would brand us with everlasting 
dishonor," and in the making of a Four-Power Pact, with its 
serious omissions and its compound mixture of contradictory 
and dangerous policies and principles, leaving Japan supreme 
in the Pacific. 

The Washington conference on armaments, one of the 
boasted achievements of the Harding administration, was 
called in response to a resolution introduced by Senator Wil- 
liam E. Borah, Republican Progressive, of Idaho, which reso- 
lution was supported by Democrats and Progressive Repub- 
licans and opposed by President Harding and the reactionary 
Republicans of the Senate until they were certain it would 
pass both Houses against their opposition. The Four-Power 
Pact was not on the programme of the Disarmament Con- 
ference. 



66 



VOTING RECORD REFUTES G. O. P. CLAIMS OF 
SOLE CREDIT FOR THESE ACTS 

The voting record on legislation passed by the sit- 
ting Congress completely disproves the Republican 
claims for full credit for some of the good measures 
of legislation in the present session. Here are some of 
the bills for which the Republicans claim sole credit 
and which Representative Fess of Ohio, chief House 
apologist, declared were resisted by a solid Democratic 
vote, with the voting record thereon: 

Budget Act, Senate without opposition; House 334 
yeas, nays 8 Democrats, 1 Republican. 

Farm Loan Credits, Senate no roll call; House yeas 
317, nays 4, all Republicans. 

Good Roads appropriation. Senate no roll call ; House, 
yeas 266, nays 53 Republicans, 24 Democrats. 

Maternity Bill, Senate, yeas 63, nays 25, all Demo- 
crats; House, yeas 279, nays 26 Republicans, 13 Demo- 
crats. 

Agricultural Loan Act, Senate no roll call; House, 
yeas 315, nays 1 Democrat. 

Grain Futures Act, Senate no roll call; House, yeas 
269, nays 59 Republicans, 10 Democrats. 

Veterans' Bureau Act, Senate, no roll call; House 
335, nays 0. 

Packers' Control Bill, Senate, yeas 29 Republicans, 16 
Democrats; nays 15 Republicans, 6 Democrats; House, 
passed without roll call. 

Cable Control Act, passed without roll call in Senate 
and House. 

The Republicans claim credit for adding $25,000,000 
appropriation for the use of Farm Loan Bank, but the 
record shows that the Democrats attempted to make 
the addition $50,000,000, but that Mr. Mondell, the Re- 
publican floor leader, made a speech against it, and 
Representative Fess and other Republicans helped to 
vote the amount down to $25,000,000. The Senate passed 
an amendment, supported by Democrats, authoriz- 
ing a loan to farmers through the Federal Loan Board 
of $100,000,000, but the Banking and Currency Com- 
mittee of the House, controlled by Republicans, cut it 
down to $25,000,000 and kept it there. 



67 
PROSPERITY WAS "MESS" G. O. P. INHERITED 

Here Is Answer to Re^publicans* Excuse That they Could Not 
Keep Promises 

As an excuse for their failure to keep their promises and 
for the disas;trous failure of the Harding administration, and 
as an attempt to dodge just party responsibility for the panic 
and demoralization of business and industry during 1921 and 
1922, Republican reactionaries are attributing these condi- 
tions to the alleged "awful mess" that was left on their 
hands by the Democratic administration. 

This plea, false and hypocritical, is intended to fool the 
American voters and thus save the Republican party from 
the consequence of its own incompetence and obstructionism. 
The inventors of this alibi are the same reactionary and un- 
principled politicians who, in 1920, practiced the false pre- 
tense, duplicity and political dishonesty that have since 
brought upon them public contempt and condemnation. 

What was this alleged "mess" which the Democratic Wilson 
administration left on the hands of the present Republican 
regime? The facts are still vividly in the public mind but 
they are worth summarizing. Here is the so-called "mess" 
which a Democratic administration left to the Republican 
administration : 

The country as a whole was enjoying unparalleled prosper- 
ity during 1919 and 1920 under Democratic rule. 

Every worker was employed on full time at the highest 
wages ever prevailing in time of peace. 

Farmers in every section were never more rich and pros- 
perous. They had accumulated nearly $30,000,000,000 of 
wealth and savings under the eight years of Democratic con- 
trol, during which sound and reciprocal market conditions, 
enabling them to sell every ounce of their surplus products 
at top prices, were maintained. 

The manufacturing and mining and other great industries 
had increased their volume of production more than 30 per 
cent, and their annual income more than $15,000,000,000. 

The ablest bankers, business men and economists were pre- 
dicting an uninterrupted period of unprecedented prosperity. 

Our internal commerce, aggregating $85,000,000,000 in 
1920, had more than trebled. 

Every smoke stack was smoking and every factory was 
humming. 

America had become the world's banker and the world's 
storehouse of foodstuffs, manufactures and raw materials. 



68 

A great A.merican merchant marine had been created to 
cairy American products to foreign markets. 

The nation had won and then held a glorious war record 
under Democratic leadership. America had real leadership, 
sound policies and programmes, both domestic and foreign, 
during the Democratic administration, and these were the 
admiration of the world. 

All these great outstanding and indisputable facts will 
continue to mark the wonderful heights to which America 
climbed in her financial, commercial, economic, military and 
social achievements from 1913 to 1920. 

These big facts, which speak for themselves, and which 
the most ignorant citizen clearly remembers, are lasting and 
indestructible evidence of the so-called "mess" which the 
present Republican administration inherited from its Demo- 
cratic predecessors. 



DEMOCRATIC AID TO FARMERS AND THEIR FAMILIES 

Agricultural Extension Act Gave Benefits and Happiness To 
Farm Life 

Through the operation of the Agricultural Extension Act 
of May, 1914, a Democratic measure, every farmer in the 
United States has had placed at his disposal the expert 
knowledge and assistance of the scientists of the Department 
of Agriculture. These Government experts teach the fanner 
how to select and plant his seed, cultivate, harvest, store and 
market his crops; how to breed, improve, protect and sell his 
livestock; and how to conduct every other operation or ac- 
tivity that is part of modem American agriculture. 

The farmer's wife and daughter have the advantage of 
similar assistance in studying and applying the lessons of 
home economics — how to choose and prepare foods; how to 
preserve fruits and vegetables; how to make and care for 
clothing; how to nursj the sick, and how in general to im- 
prove household methods, reduce the burden of domestic 
duties, and increase the family income. 

The benefits of this act extend also to the farmer's boys 
and girls for whose instruction demonstration work and 
other educational helps are supplied by scientists of the 
Department. 



Four horsemen of the G. O. P. — Poverty, Distress, Disorder 
and Violence. 



69 
BUSINESS MEN REFUSE FUNDS TO G. O. P. 

Decline to Contribute and Urge Election of Democratic Con- 
gress 

Charles M. Warner, President of the Warner Sugar Refin- 
ing Company, head of the Wamer-Quinlan Asphalt Company, 
and director in many corporations, who has for years been a 
contributor to the Republican party's campaign funds, has 
replied to a begging letter which he received from Milton E. 
Ailes, President of the Riggs National Bank, Washington, D, 
C, and Treasurer of the Republican Congressional Cam- 
paign Committee, as follows: 

Wants a Democratic Congress 

"My Dear Mr. Ailes: I have your letter of August 9, in 
which you ask my cooperation to secure the election of a 
Republican Congress in November. I have voted the Re- 
publican ticket for fifty-five years and have made contribu- 
tions whenever requested by the Republican party. 

"You ask me if I have observed that the Democrats, true 
to form, are basing their hopes on 'discontent' and 'dissatis- 
faction.' Haven't they a right to feel discontented and dis- 
satisfied ? 

"What has the Republican Congress done to cheapen the 
cost of living? What pledge has it redeemed? 

"You are trying to bring the cost of labor down, but how 
can you expect to accomplish this and satisfy the working- 
man if you keep, the cost of living up? You may think I 
talk this way because I am president of one of the largest 
independent cane sugar companies. I plead 'guilty'. My 
company is anxious to serve the consumer of sugar with a 
cheap article. I am discontented and dissatisfied in seeing a 
little clique in Congress passing a tariff wholly unneces- 
sary, having no other purpose than to make the public pay, 
and for no other reason than to let certain interests fatten 
at the public expense. 

"I think the people are disgusted with the present per- 
formances of the Republican party, as exemplified by its 
Administration, and the only way these Republicans, who are 
now drunk with power, can be disciplined, is to elect Demo- 
cratic Congressmen to office." 

In the course of the begging letter sent in the name of 
Mr. Ailes to Mr. Warner there w^as a paragraph designed to 
arouse the latter's interest and sympathy in the political 
fortunes of President Harding in 1924. 

"But if by any mischance they (the Democrats) v/in this 
fall's election," wrote Mr. Ailes, "no one doubts that they vnW 



70 

hail it as a repudiation of President Harding, as a forerun- 
ner of his defeat two years hence, and that we will have a 
Congress determined to destroy him and his programme if it 
can." 

Mr. Warner sent a rebuke instead of a donation, nothwith- 
standing this appeal for his financial help in electing a Re- 
publican Congress rather for President Harding's sake than 
because of its own merits. 

Impossible to Elect Republican Congress, Says Big 
Manufacturer 

S. G. Rosenbaum, President of the National Suit and Cloak 
Company, New York, has replied to Republican solicitations 
of funds in practically the same vein. Under date of August 
18, Mr. Rosenbaum wrote to the treasurer of the National 
Republican Congressional Committee, in part, as follows: 

"I have your letter of August 8 asking my cooperation 
in an effort to elect a Republican Congress in November. 

"You are justified, on general principles, in asking my as- 
sistance. I have been a Republican ever since I cast my first 
vote. I believe, generally speaking, in the principles of the 
Republican party. However, I shall not help to elect a Re- 
publican Congress next November, and you are entitled to 
know the reason why. 

"But first let me say that it will be impossible to- elect 
a Republican Congress. The Republican party has falied to 
measure up to its responsibilities and the country knows it. 

" * * * A great opportunity for constructive work has 
been lost. The Tariff bill which is now before Congress, and 
which will doubtless be enacted into law within a few days, 
is a colossal blunder. If President Taft referred to the 
Payne-Aldrich tariff as 'indefensible,' what can be said about 
the bill which is about to be enacted? 

"Reputable business men and representative newspapers, 
who have attempted to point out the error and injustice of 
the bill have been met by a flood of vilification and abuse 
from Congressman Fordney and other Representatives and 
Senators. Certain Republican Senators, who are among the 
largest producers and dealers in wool in the country, have 
been working for a tariff which puts an outrageously high 
duty upon raw wool, and which, it is estimated, will tax our 
people $3,500,000,000 a year. Do you think the people of the 
country do not know this and resent it? When the facts in 
regard to this scandalous situation are pointed out by a 
reputable merchant who knows his business, he is branded 
on the floor of the House and Senate as a liar, a traitor. 



71 . 

TAXATION AND ECONOMY 

Low and Equitable Taxation, Economy in Expenditures, 
Doctrine of Democratic Party 

During its long career of one hundred and twenty-five 
years there has never been a time when the Democratic 
Party was not ready and willing to assert and reassert its 
uniformally sound and impregnable record and position on 
the questions of taxation and economy in public expendi- 
tures. No other political party has ever seriously questioned 
the superior strength and soundness of the Democratic po- 
sition on these two ever recurring problems. The Demo- 
cratic Party has long had a monopoly upon the doctrine and 
practice of rigid economy in public expenditures and of low 
and equitable taxation. These doctrines are rooted in the 
fundamentals of organized society everywhere and their 
faithful observance, after all, means more to the welfare and 
happiness of every individual than every other domestic 
policy. The record of the Democratic Party on the question 
of economy is both proverbial and traditional. Economy in 
government, Federal, State and local, is inborn and ingrained 
in every Democratic individual, and each is ever proud of the 
great historic record of his party on this subject. 

Democrats Always Guarded Treasury, Says Blaine 

Blaine in his "Twenty Years in Congress," speaking of the 
long period of Democratic control of the general Government 
prior to the Civil War, was constrained to offer this undying 
eulogy: "During the long period of their domination they 
(the Democrats) guarded the Treasury against every form 
of corruption and every attempt at extravagance." 

In striking contrast to the fixed Democratic policy, the Re- 
publican party is traditionally the party of extravagance in 
public expenditures. Some years following the Civil War, for 
example, when our public expenditures were comparatively 
small, the Harrison administration increased the average an- 
nual expenditures over the first Cleveland administration 
ninety-five million dollars, while the second Cleveland ad- 
ministration conducted the Government at a cost of six mil- 
lion five hundred and fifty-nine thousand dollars less than the 
preceding Harrison administration, although the govern- 
mental activities were being constantly expanded as the 
country developed and grew. The McKinley administration 
increased the average annual expenditures forty-five million 
dollars over those of the last Cleveland administration, or a 
total of one hundred and eighty million dollars for the four 



72 
years, excluding the entire expenses of the Spanish- American 
War. The last four years of the Roosevelt administration 
piled up expenditures of one billion six hundred and ninety- 
gix raiUion dollars in excess of the last four years of the 
Cleveland administration, or an average annual increase of 
four hundred and twenty-four million dollars. 

{Republicans Cost Twice as Much in Peace as Democrats in 
War 

Partisan and unfair Republican leaders have made the 
pretended claim that the Democratic Party in control of the 
Government during the World War was guilty of extrava- 
gance. Every sensible person knows that in waging war 
ppeed and efficiency mean everything to a nation. It means 
victory wherever victory is humanly possible, rather than 
probable defeat. It means, above all else, the early winning 
of the war and the enormous saving of human life. Repub- 
jlfcan traducers of the recent Democratic administration are 
i^w disposed to admit, when pressed, that America and her 
;^yes won the war. It is historically true that the war was 
^i^i^^(iced at as little expense as was at all possible, in view 
,oi^p magnitude of the conflict and the speed and effective- 
;aegs ^^ith which it was imperatively necessary that Amer- 
iica ^3iv9iild reach the battle lines in France. Even if some 
.ui^T^ec^g^ry waste or extravagance had occurred, it does not 
i|ie 4n 1%^ mouths of Republican leaders to criticize, because 
the i\ii\qij^^n people have suffered far greater losses under 
viihe il^epu^^an panic of 1921-22 than America's total cost of 
iiihe if^ar. 

The pTie jl^e^son that all our past history teaches on this 
.general sub-Je^ct is that the Democratic Party, when in con- 
-trol of the , Gov^j-nment, has always been honest, efficient and 
.econonijcal, -.whil^ waste and extravagance have unifonnly 
,diaracteri?e(i ^I^e^ublican rule. 



WHEN TAXATION IS ROBBERY 

To lay with one hand the power of the Government 
,. on the property of the citizen, and with the other to be- 
stow it upon favored individuals to aid private enter- 
prise and build up private fortunes is none the less rob- 
bery because it is done under the forms of law and is 
called taxation. 

SUPREME^ COURT OF THE' UNITED STATES 
The Marshall Case. 



73 
DEMOCRATIC RECONSTRUCTION PROGRAMME 

Greatest Plan to Settle After- War Problems Defeated by 
Republicans 

There was, it is true, a mess on the hands of the present 
Republican administration when it came into power, but it 
was a mess made by Republicans themselves in carrying out 
the most infamous conspiracy against the American people 
ever conceived in the minds of malicious political conspirators. 
The Republicans under reactionary leadership had control 
of Congress in 1919 and 1920 — a Congress that was leader- 
less, vindictive and viciously partisan. 

In the Congress which met in 1919 the Democratic admin- 
istration submitted the greatest post-war reconstruction pro- 
gramme of any nation engaged in the war, for the solution of 
all the problems growing out of that world-wide conflict. 
The Republican Congress, under reactionary leadership then 
as now, obstructed, delayed and defeated most of that 
programme. 

The reconstruction programme of the Democratic national 
administration which the reactionary Republican Congress 
defeated in the main was as follows: 

Provided for the establishment of conditions of perma- 
nent peace. 

Provided for early disarmament by all important nations, 
not as to a few major battleships merely, but on land, on the 
sea, under the sea and in the air. 

Provided for correspondingly equitable tax reduction and 
readjustment. 

Provided for such economic cooperation with our European 
customers and such financing of our exports as would main- 
tain sound, reciprocal market conditions to the end that the 
producers would have ready markets at prices fixed by the 
law of supply and demand. 

Provided for the early return of public utilities to private 
operation. 

Provided for the vigorous handling of the high cost of 
living problem. 

Provided for the speedy demobilization of the army and 
navy and the early removal of war restrictions, laws and 
regulations. 

Provided for a speedy budget and water-power legislation. 
Provided for the punishment of criminal profiteering. 
Provided for the suppression of wild speculation, cautiously 
dealing with credit expansion. 



74 ^ 

Provided for promoting the full and peaceful employment 
of labor and capital. 

These were the outstanding features of the reconstruction 
programme submitted by the Democratic National Adminis- 
trr.tion and defeated by the reactionary Republican Congress, 
which deadlocked the Government during 1919 and 1920. 

As evidence of what this policy of obstruction, delay and 
defeat, vindictively pursued by the Republican Congress, cost 
the American people, the following specific instances may be 
cited: 

The delay in the enactment of the shipping policy until 
May, 1920, cost the American people $1,600,000,000. 

The delay of enactment of railroad legislation from May, 
1919, until late in February, 1920, cost the American people 
an additional $1,000,000,000. 

Other policies of delay and of bitter partisanship were 
equally destructive. 

It was this policy of the reactionary Republicans that 
brought on the great industrial panic of 1921-22. 

The advice of President Harding, Vice-President Coolidge, 
Senator Lodge and other reactionary Republican leaders to 
the fanners, miners, manufacturers and other producers to 
produce to the maximum in 1920 cost the well-meaning 
American farmers more than $8,000,000,000 in 1921. 

Millions of farmers who were rich in 1920 were bankinipted 
in 1921 under Republican rule, their previous eight years' 
savings swept away. 

Millions of workers no longer I'eceiving high wages, or any 
wages, have been thrown out of employment. 

Business has been crucified on the cross of politics. 

Our great merchant marine, which loaded to and from all 
the ports in the world in 1920, now floats idly at the'docks. 

This is one mess of which Republicans and the people gen- 
erally can truthfully complain, but it was a Republican mess 
and not a Democratic mess. 

It was this "body of death," which the Republican con- 
spirators and the reactionary Republican Congress of 1919- 
20, have placed upon the bending back of the Republican 
administration. 



The Republican administration and Congress made the 
whole country sick and then put a high tax on medicine — 
Senator J. Thomas Heflin. 



75 

SCANDALS OF THE HARDING ADMINISTRATION 

A Purchased Seat In The Senate, Disposal of Naval Oil Lands, 

Traffic In Offices, Etc. 

NEWBERRY SCANDAL— The seating of Truman H. New- 
berry as United States Senator from Michigan, by unanimous 
vote of the Republican members of the Senate Committee on 
Privileges and Elections, in the face of court and legislative 
records showing that at least $195,000, and probably $250,- 
000, had been spent as a slush fund to debauch the Sena- 
torial primary election in Michigan in 1918, has shocked and 
angered honest citizens everywhere, irrespective of political 
identification. 

Notwithstanding the evidence adduced at the trial which 
resulted in Senator Newberry's conviction in the Federal 
court and notwithstanding the even fuller presentation of 
damaging facts in the Senate investigation, all but nine 
members of the Republican majority voted to seat him. It 
was admitted in the resolution declaring Newberiy to be "the 
duly elected Senator from Michigan" that "the amount ex- 
pended" in his interest during the primary campaign "was 
much larger than ought to have been expended", and there 
was added the statement: "The expenditure of such excessive 
sums in behalf of a candidate, either with or without his 
knowledge and consent being contrary to soimd public policy, 
harmful to the honor and dignity of the Senate, and dan- 
gerous-" to the perpetuity of a free government, such exces- 
sive expenditures are hereby severely condemned and disap- 
proved." 

Newberry's vote in the Senate in 1919 gave the Republicans 
the majority which enabled them to take control of the Com- 
mittees and organization of the Senate and subsequently by 
the use of their pilfered power they obstructed, delayed and 
defeated the reconstruction programme of the Democratic Ad- 
ministration. They employed a vote which was obtained by 
expenditures they afterwards "severely condemned and dis- 
approved" as "harmful to the honor and dignity of the Senate 
and dangerous to the perpetuity of a free government" but 
which they also condoned and kept for the purpose of 
further control of legislation, including the Fordney-McCum- 
ber profiteers' tariff bill and the repeal of the excess profits 
taxes and the higher surtaxes — aggregating $510,000,000 — 
for the benefit of the billionaires. 

That popular reaction and revulsion against this corruption 
of an election and the dishonest advantage derived from it 
by the Republicans is frightening the Harding Administration 
is made manifest in the effort of Secretary of State Hughes 



76 

to rehabilitate Newberry by a resort to sophism and legal- 
ism. The deadly facts written into the Congressional Record 
and the calm judicial arguments of Senators Borah, Kenyon, 
Norris and Jones (Wash.), all Republicans, have branded 
the seating of Newberry as the gravest scandal in a genera- 
tion — and all the worse because the Republican Administra- 
tion has not hesitated to profit politically by his vote in the 
Senate. 

DAUGHERTY-MORSE SCANDAI^Harry M. Daugherty's 
connection with the mysterious release of Charles W. Morse, 
convicted swindler, from the Federal penitentiary on promise 
of a minimum fee of $25,000, and the efforts of Mr. Harding's 
Attorney General and his friends to conceal and garble the 
facts when exposure came have become a public disgrace, 
but in spite of many demands from the press, including Re- 
publican newspapers like the New York Herald, the New 
York Tribune, the Philadelphia Public Ledger and the New 
York Globe, Daugherty is still on the job. 

Harry M. Daugherty was Mr. Harding's campaign manager 
during the Presidential primaries of 1920 and is generally 
credited with having brought about his nomination. This 
fact is also accepted by many as the explanation of Daugher- 
ty's continuance in office notwithstanding his part in the 
Morse case and his general incompetence. 

NAVAL OIL SCANDAL— Secretary of the Interior Fall 
is now under public condemnation and is threatened with 
Congressional investigation following his recent action in 
secretly leasing to private interests controlled by subsi- 
diaries of the Standard Oil Company thousands of acres of 
rich oil deposits (known as Teapot Dome naval reserve) 
which had been held for years as a source of fuel for the 
United States Navy. The leases were made to the Mammoth 
Oil Company (capitaUzed at $200,500,000) without opportun- 
ity on the part of other oil concerns to bid, and at royalties 
which Senator Kendrick of Wyoming (in which state the oil 
reserves lie) says average 20 per cent less than the royal- 
ties paid by oil producers in territory immediately adjoining 
the Teapot Dome field. 

The loss to the Government — and the corresponding gift 
to these private interests — by reason of the secrecy and 
''jokers" of Secretary Fall's leases is placed by Senator Ken- 
drick at between $15 000,000 and $20,000,000. 

President Harding has recently assumed responsibility for 
these secret leases and stands back of Secretary Fall. The 
l<lew York Globe, a Republican newspaper, has called this 
transaction "a scandal of the first magnitude," 



77 

GOLDSTEIN SCANDAL— Nat Goldstein, ward politician 
and member of the St. Louis "court house rinp:", who, when 
a delegate to the Republican National Convention of 1920 
took $2500 of Governor Lowden's campaign fund, was nomi- 
nated by President Harding to be Collector of Interaai 
Revenue at St. Louis, but withdrew when Governor Lowden, 
Republican newspapers, and Democratic Senators denounced 
him as unfit for any Federal position. President Harding 
and Senator Spencer (Rep. Mo.) praised Goldstein shortly 
after his withdrawal. This is the same Senator Spencer 
who led the fight to seat Truman H. Newberry in the face 
of charges that he had used coiiiipt means to obtain his 
election to the Senate from Michigan. 

FEDERAL APPOINTMENTS SCANDAL— Four men in- 
dicted by a Federal grand jury of 16 Republicans and 7 
Democrats in connection with the Newberry election scandal 
were appointed by President Harding to important Federal 
posts in Michigan. Their names and positions are: Earl 
Davis, U. S. attorney for the eastern district of Michigan; 
James R. Davis, prohibition officer for Michigan; Fred Cronen- 
wett, division prohibition officer; Fred J. Bowman, U. S. 
attorney for the western district of Michigan; Henry C. 
Myers, who was indicted in the same connection, was nomi- 
nated postmaster at Caro, Mich. 

E. Mont Reiley, Kansas City ward politican, was appointed 
by President Harding as Governor of Porto Rico. Reiley's 
appointment was criticized by independent and Republican 
papers of Missouri as conspicuously unfit. Reiley is the hus- 
band of Mrs. Harding's cousin. 

BUREAU OF ENGRAVING SCANDAL— Violation of the 
civil servdce regulations and the enthronement of the spoils 
system was exemplified, among other instances, in the sum- 
mary dismissal, without warning or charges, of the director 
and thirty other officials of the Bureau of Engraving and 
Printing in Washington to make room for Republican hench- 
men; following which the Republican Administration, to justi- 
fy the outrage, insinuated but never formally preferred or 
proved charges of dishonesty against these dismissed em- 
ployes who had served the Government for periods varying 
from 20 to 39 years. That there was no ground for suspi- 
cions against the ability, loyality, efficiency and honesty of 
these employes is evidenced by the fact that almost imme- 
diately after their discharge they received other positions at 
higher salaries in private business establishments. 

Abrogation of the soldiers' preference act by President 
Harding so that Republican politicans might be favored for 



78 
postmasterships to the exclusion of eligible veterans of the 
World War provoked protests from Eepublicans as well as 
Democrats in several cities where this injustice and defiance 
of the law was practised on former service men and women, 

THORENSEN SCANDAL— The removal of Surveyor Gen- 
eral I. C. Thorensen of Utah by presidential order, although 
his term had not yet expired and no charge of any kind had 
been lodged against him, was admitted by President Harding 
to have been prompted by a desire to give the place to a Re- 
publican. "I need not tell you of the current demand for the 
recognition of aspirants in our own party for consideration 
in the matter of patronage," wrote President Harding to Mr. 
Thorensen. 

CONCEALED APPROPRIATIONS SCANDAL^The deli- 
berate manipulation of the books of the Treasury to conceal 
from the people the true status of Government finances and 
to give an impression of truth to false claims of savings 
and economies was illustrated in the device of "revolving 
funds" and "authorizations," which don't appear in regular 
appropriations; of charging to a preceding or a succeeding 
Congress certain appropriations which should have been 
charged to the current Congress, and of issuing certificates of 
indebtedness to cover borrowings of hundreds of millions to 
meet expenses at a time when the Republican Administration 
was pretending to "save money." 

SHIP SUBSIDY SCANDAL— Nothing less than a gigantic 
fraud under the color of legality is the scheme to sell the 
people's merchant marine, built and developed during the 
war at a cost of $3,000,000,000, for a tenth of that sum, and 
then give the big corporations which get the ships an aggre- 
ate of $750,000,000 in bonuses for operating them, with ex- 
emption from taxation as an additional largess. President 
Harding is so eager to enact this ship subsidy grab that he 
threatened to call the present Congress back into special ses- 
sion if it adjourned without passing his pet measure. 

HARVEY SCANDAL— George Harvey's insult to America 
in his speech at the Pilgrim dinner in London, in the course 
of which he haid: "We (the United States) were not too 
proud to "fight . . . We were afraid not to fight," (in the 
war against Gennany) has been condemned by the American 
Legion in national convention, by the Gold Star Mothers and 
by many staunch Republican newspapers but never by Presi- 
dent Harding. Harvey is still misrepresenting America at 
the Court of St. James. Even the New York Tribune, Re- 
publican, was forced to comment that "Ambassador Harvey 
has learned his Americanism in a strange school," and the 



79 
Philadelphia Inquirer, also a Republican paper, declared of 
Harvey: "He deliberately and wickedly misrepresented his 
counti-y." Other Republican and independent newspapers 
showed equal resentment — rbut Harvey has not lost caste with 
the President. 

DENBY JUNKET SCANDAL—Secretary of the Navy Den- 
by's junket to Japan on an American army transport and at 
public expense in the face of a protest by the Senate and of 
criticism by Republican newspapers was an impudent abuse 
of official power and misuse of the people's taxes. Like all 
the other Republican offenders in the Republican Administra- 
tion Secretary Denby has not only not been rebuked but has 
been defended by his official superiors and asscyciates. Secre- 
tary Denby's junket has taken three months during which a 
transport, a big crew of American sailors, thousands of tons 
of fuel and other supplies — all representing hundreds of thou- 
sands of dollars of the taxpayers' money — have been used 
to give Mr. Harding's Cabinet officer a vacation in the 
Orient. 



TARIFF'S PURPOSE IS HIGHER PRICES 

(Rep. Connally of Texas) 

Why is a protective tariff levied? What is the purpose 
of it? The purpose is to raise the price. Raise the price 
to whom? To the man who buys. VvTiere? To raise the 
price in the United States. Raise the price in the domestic 
market, make it cost more for the consumer, whf^ther ne is 
a farmer or whether he is a machinist or whether he is a 
laborer or merchant or lawyer or doctor or whatever he may 
be. 



REPUBLICAN ADVERSITY OVERTAKES FARMERS 
(Rep. Almon of Alabama) 

There are 6,500,000 farmers in the United States. Thirty- 
eight per cent of our population live on farms. The annual 
value of crops and live stock amounts to from eleven to 
twenty-five billion dollars. Agriculture has an investment of 
$80,000,000,000,000, the largest investment by far of any 
other business. The next largest business is railroads, with 
an investment of $20,000,000,000. 

The shrinkage in value of crops of 1920 amounted to $8,- 
000,000,000, from which the farmers have not yet recovered. 



G. O. P. Tariff Policy: A Tariff Bill for the Profiteers. 



80 

DEMOCRATIC FOREIGN POLICY AND REPUBLICAN 

BETRAYAL 

By David Hunter Miller 

In November 1920, the month in v^hich Mr. Harding was 
elected, the industries of the United States were in full blast. 
The prosperity of the country under the Democratic admin- 
istration of Mr. Wilson, the greatest prosperity which this 
or any other country had ever known, had not then ended. 
The war was over and had been over for two years. Sud- 
denly and as it were with the ringing down of a curtain, that 
prosperity ceased. The wheels of commerce slowed down and 
the channels of industry dried up. 

Within six months from the date of Mr. Harding's election, 
the United States was in the midst of an almost unparalleled 
depression. Business had stopped. Our export trade was fal- 
ling in volume and in amount month by month. Nineteen 
hundred and twenty-one was a bad year for us and 1922 
opened with every sign of gloom and uncertainly which the 
events of recent months have not dispelled. 

To call such a result a war inheritance, as Mr. Harding- 
did in one of his speeches, is fatuous. The war ended in 1918 
and our progress was not interrupted until more than two 
years later. 

What had happened in the meantime? The Democratic 
policy of co-operation of all the nations of the world for 
peace, the policy for ending war, the policy for conferences 
instead of general staffs, for discussion instead of battles, 
had been betrayed by the Republican party. And why had 
it been betrayed? Because of any entanglement, any alli- 
ance, any proposed commitment of the United States? No, 
but solely because that policy of world peace was offensive 
to the partisan proclivities and to the personal hatreds of the 
Republican leaders, who were not only willing but eager 
to abandon American ideals, to turn the world upside dowTi 
and to betray their own prefessions, if only they could 
reach some party advantages; if only they could say that 
an American policy had failed because it was proposed 
by an American who was a Democrat, if only they could make 
certain that no ideal, no peace, no world progress could be 
permitted unless it should bring profit to the Republican 
party as such. 

Democratic Policy of World Peace 

The Democratic policy of the League of Nations was not a 
policy of any particular form of language but a fundamental 
policy based upon the eternal principles of right and justice. 



97 

THE DISARMAMENT CONFERENCE 

(Senator Hitchcock, Nebraska) 

The idea of a disarmament conference was devised by 
Senator Borah and forced upon the administration by his 
activity, backed by the votes of a few Republican Senators 
and almost the solid Democratic membership of the Senate. 
Finding that the issue could not be avoided, President Hard- 
ing adopted the suggestion but changed the scope of the con- 
ference. When, therefore, the programme was presented to the 
delegates that gathered, disarmament was only one feature 
of the conference and was in the course of events limited 
to a reduction of naval armament. The conference accepted 
France's blunt declaration that military disarmament would 
not be considered. All that was done in the direction of dis- 
armament was an agreement limiting the naval strength of 
the United States and other countries to about what they are 
at the present time. To this extent the conference had 
merit. This merit, however, was to a considerable extent 
offset by the adoption of the highly objectionable four-power 
treaty which is in effect a treaty of alliance between the 
United States, Great Britain, France and Japan for mutual 
cooperation in the Pacific Ocean to the exclusion of other 
countries. The avowed reason and excuse for the United 
States entering this treaty was that it made it possible to 
dissolve the Anglo-Japanese treaty which was pictured as a 
menace to the United States. As a matter of fact, it was 
not a menace to the United States. Great Britain was 
anxious to get rid of it because it was unpopular with her 
people, because it had outlived its usefulness to Great Britain, 
and because it was the subject of diplomatic annoyance. 
Great Britain, however, could not retire from it without giv- 
ing some offense to Japan and she therefore devised the plan 
of inducing Japan to accept the four-power treaty as a 
substitute. 

The charge that the United States was menaced by the 
Anglo-Japanese alliance and could afford to take the four- 
power treaty as a consideration of getting rid of it, is not 
justified by the facts. The Anglo-Japanese alliance could 
not have been used against the United States not only be- 
cause it was specifically agreed that it should not be but be- 
cause public opinion in Great Britain would never have per- 
mitted it to be so used. We therefore entered into the highly 
obnoxious four-power treaty without getting any considera- 
tion for the embarrassing entanglement. The four-power 
treaty was conceived in secret and negotiated in secret, and 
not even after its negotiation was the Senate permitted to 
know the details. 



REPUBLICANS ATTACK PRESS FOR TELLING 
THE TRUTH 

(Senator Robinson of Arkansas) 

The time has come when those of us who want this 
Government to continue to enjoy the confidence of its citizens 
should build up rather than destroy the influences which made 
it great and glorious. Just as we are jealous of our own 
reputations we ought to be jealous of the reputation of the 
press of America. No consideration should impel the Senate 
of the United States or its members to an attitude toward 
American newspapers such as that implied in the conduct 
and statements of the Senator from Indiana (Watson, Rep.) 
and the Senator from North Dakota (McCumber, Rep.), im- 
peaching the integrity, the good faith, the honesty of pur- 
pose of the press of the United States. . . . 

The press of the United States throughout the history of 
this country has been and still continues the greatest agency 
for the enlightenment and the uplifting of the American 
people. 



G. O. P. Tariff Policy: A Tariff Bill for the Profiteers. 



4 REPUBLICAN POLICIES 

Tax reduction for the buccaneers. 
A Tariff for the profiteers. 
A Ship Subsidy for the privateers. 
Senate seats for the auctioneers. 



4 DEMOCRATIC POLICIES 

Honest and scientific tax revision, with taxes equit- 
ably levied, so that the bulk of taxes is paid by the 
people best able to pay them. 

A competitive tariff to provide revenue for the Gov- 
ernment and stimulate domestic and foreign trade. 

A merchant marine policy without subsidies, that will 
restore the American flag upon the seas, promote 
American commerce and prevent monopoly of ocean 
traffic. 

A clean United States Senate, nominated and elected 
by the people under a drastic Corrupt Practices Act to 
prevent the purchase of Senate seats. 



99 

LONG LIST OF REPUBLICAN FAILURES 

(Senator McKellar of Tennessee) 

Catalogue of Republican failures since their accession to 
power: 

They have failed to restore normalcy. 

They have failed to restore prosperity. 

They have failed to keep up our merchant marine. 

They have failed to keep our foreign trade. 

They have failed to keep their promises to labor. 

They have failed to keep their promises to capital. 

They have failed to keep faith with the ex-service men. 

They have failed to keep their promises to the farmers. 

They have failed to keep their promises to the business 
men. 

They have failed to maintain law and order in the country. 

They have failed to protect the country against criminal 
trusts. 

They have failed in their management of the coal industry. 

They have failed utterly in the management of the rail- 
roads. 

They have failed to take the Government out of business. 

They have failed to put business into Government. 

They have failed to restore peace and trade with Mexico. 

They have failed in their conduct of the Department of 
Justice. 

They have failed in their conduct of the Department of 
Conamerce. 

They have failed in their conduct of the Department of 
Labor. 

They have failed in their conduct of the Department of 
of State. 

They have failed in bringing about any effective adjust- 
ment of foreign relations. 

They have failed to obtain any settlement of our foreign 
indebtedness, amounting to more than $11,000,000,000. 

They have failed to lower the tax burdens on the people 
generally. 

They have failed utterly in their conduct of the executive 
department, it being but a succession of wiggles and wobbles. 

They have failed utterly in their conduct of the legislative 
department of the Government, it being also a succession of 
wiggles and wobbles. 



G. O. P. Tariff Policy: A Tariff Bill for the Profiteers. 



lOJQ 

EVEN HUGHES CAN'T VINDICATE NEWBERRY 

(Senator Reed of Missouri) 

The Secretary of State may dip his brush in a hogshead of 
legal whitewash but he can not obliterate that finding of the 
Senate. He may split all the legal hairs he desires but the 
American people will take the unanimous finding of the 
Senate, for that is what we have, as conclusive evidence 
that the practices employed in the election of Mr. Newberry 
were improper practices and as conclusive evidence that those 
who voted to seat him, after having recited that he had se- 
cured his seat by methods contrary to sound public policy, 
harmful to the honor and dignity of the Senate, and danger- 
ous to the perpetuity of free government, branded themselves 
so indelibly that the legal whitewash brush of the Secretary 
of State can never wipe out that record or obliterate that 
stain. 



WHY PROFITEERING CONTINUES 

Republican Congress Refused to Pass Laws Recommended by 
Democratic President 

Republicans, on gaining control of Congress, refused to 
enact the laws against profiteering recommended by Presi- 
dent Wilson and subsequently, following the induction of the 
Harding Administration into control of the executive de- 
partments of the Government, broke their voluntary promises 
to prevent and punish extortions in food, clothingj fuel and 
other necessaries. 

The public well remembers the flourishes with which Attor- 
ney General Daugherty and his subordinate. Detective W. J. 
Bums, have several times announced the beginning of in- 
vestigations into profiteering with a view of prosecutions. 
The public just as clearly remembers that Mr. Daugherty and 
Detective Burns utterly failed to initiate a single prosecu- 
tion or do anything else to protect the people against the 
plunderers, who have continued to take a robber's toll on 
foods, clothing, fuel and everything else the American people 
need and use. 



This Makes Newberry, Daugherty and Goldstein Blush 

Candidate Fess assures the country that the United States 
under the Harding Administration have preserved their 
"moral leadership." 



101 
WOMEN MUST NOT BE SLACKERS 
By A Woman Who Prizes Her Vote 

One of the greatest dangers of the present-day political 
situation is the indifference of many home-staying women to 
their new responsibilities as voters. One of the greatest 
difficulties to be overcome is the getting out of the woman 
vote of the country. 

The little piece of paper we drop into the ballot box on 
election day is the expression of all we most wish for our 
country. It is the effort we make to render articulate our 
sense of public justice and our interest in good government. 

Each election day has its army of "slackers", of course. 
See to it that you are not numbered among those in Novem- 
ber. 

Many an election has been decided by those who stay at 
home. See to it that your vote and your influence are 
counted. 

Woman's active participation in government simply means 
an extension of her age-old housekeeping duties. Just as 
she has heretofore cleaned house in the literal sense, so now 
she may, if she chooses, clean the Nation's house by sweeping 
away the litter of corrupt officialdom, and by dusting off the 
political map the party whose administration of public affairs 
does not meet her fancy. 

The eyes of the world will be focussed upon the women of 
America next November. Whatever they do will be either 
a great encouragement or a serious setback to the principles 
of democracy which are on trial today. 

The Democratic party needs and welcomes the women! It 
is the vote and influence of the home-making and the wage- 
earning women of the country that is most needed to counter- 
act the false Republican propaganda that is flooding the 
country today. It is her vote and influence that is needed 
to put out of power the party that has wi4tten vicious laws 
upon the statue books of the country, that opposes progress 
and is ashamed of idealism, — that has played politics with 
disarmament, and put Big Business in the saddle, — that has 
untaxed the rich, and added to the taxes of the poor, — and 
that has built up a Chinese tariff wall that will result in 
raising the price of every garment she and her children wear, 
and of every article she uses in her household. 

Are you tired of the present Administration with its mini- 
mum of achievement and its maximum of failure, — with its 
pledges and promises unfulfilled, — with its multiplying scan- 



102 

dais, — with its Newberryism and its Daughertyism, its Lodges 
and its Laskers, — with its bootlegging Merchant Marine, its 
fake Bonus Bill, and its Ship Subsidy menace, — with its 
Naval Oil scandal, — its Civil Service throttling and its Rob- 
ber Tariff? 

IF SO,— WOMEN OF AMERICA,— Then use the weapon 
now ready to your hand (your ballot) and defeat these ene- 
mies of the people ! 



NECESSITY OF FOREIGN MARKETS 
By C. C. Isely 

(Organizer of Great Southwest Association of Farmers) 

A farmer producing 1,000 bushels of wheat has to sell 400 
bushels in Europe. Sixty per cent, of his cotton and 16 per 
cent, of his meat products have to find a similar market. He 
has not thought of himself as a merchant with a surplus to 
sell, yet any impairment of his European customers' buying 
power is immediately reflected in sharply lower prices, not 
only for his surplus but for everything he has. A stable 
market depends on a steady stream of purchases. The 
foreigner buys fitfully, spasmodically, depending on his 
ability to finance his purchases. — New York World. 



WOMEN TO PAY BILLION MORE FOR CLOTHES 
UNDER PROFITEERS' TARIFF 

(Senator Pomerene of Ohio) 

It is estimated that under the stimulus of the high rate 
proposed in the pending bill the women of the United States 
will be forced to pay approximately $1,000,000,000 more for 
clothing than they pay now under the Underwood-Simmons 
law. This includes all articles of women's wearing apparel 
from lace to hair nets. 



THE FARMER GETS THE COBS 

When the farmer shells a bushel of com he furnishes an 
apt illustration of the division of tariff favors between the 
manufacturer and himself. The manufacturer takes the 
shelled corn and the farmer gets the cobs — From a pamphle 
on the Senate Tariff bill by A. S. Hough. 



Four Republican Isms: Newberryism — Daugherty ism- 
Nat Goldsteinism — Reactionism. 



103 

SHIP BONUS BILL IS HARDING'S HOBBBY 

(Rep. Ewin L, Davis of Tennessee) 

Having the welfare of the v^^hole country at heart, as I 
view it, and disregarding the question of political advantage 
or disadvantage, I very much hope that this infamous bill 
VTill never be enacted. However, if it is to be passed, I 
hope that it will be put through as a party measure, feeling 
confident that the party responsible for such action will be 
rebuked by the American people. Furthermore, if the bill 
is to be passed during this Congress, I hope that it will be 
passed during the present session, in order that the people 
will have an opportunity in the coming election to return a 
Congress that will repeal it before the Shipping Board has had 
time to carry out their design of lending the $125,000,000 
loan fund, and making so many 10-year subsidy contracts 
that the bill could not be repealed. 

So far as I have been able to find, President Harding is 
the only President who has ever declared in favor of ship- 
subsidy legislation. In the very nature of things it was im- 
possible for him to make an independent investigation of this 
pomplicated problem, and, consequently, it was necessary for 
him to rely upon the information and advice of others upon 
the subject. Apparently having the President's full confi- 
dence, ChaiiTnan Lasker (of the Shipping Board) has misin- 
formed and misled him. According to newspaper reports 
from time to time Lasker made repeated visits and appeals 
to the President to come out in favor of this legislation.. 
Lasker stated at the hearings and otherwise that he submit- 
ted to the President for his information and as the recom- 
mendations of the Shipping Board this elaborate study en- 
titled "Government aid to merchant shipping — a study pre- 
pared under direction United States Shipping Board." It 
was stated that the President's message to Congress on the 
ship subsidy bill was based in large measure upon the contents 
of said study. That being true, his support of the bill was 
induced by the grossest sort of misinformation, because this 
study is full of misstatements and misleading and deceptive 
statements. 

The President is said to have told Members of the House 
that this was his pet bill and he wanted it put right through. 
He is perhaps taking a more active interest in behalf of it 
than any measure since he has been in the White House. 

According to all reports he impatiently" spumed the counsel 
and advice of the leaders of his party in the House, cling- 
ing alone to the advice of Lasker — of a man w^ho a few- 



104 
months ago knew absolutely nothing of the subject and who 
now knows even less because the most that he has since ac- 
quired has been misinformation instead of information, hav- 
ing acquired same from those bent upon bleeding the Govern- 
ment and not aiding it. 



PRESIDENT HARDING'S CABINET 
(As a Republican Congressman Sees It) 

Congressman Tom Williams (Rep. 111.) was discussing 
Civil Service in connection with the Postoffice Department, 
when he was interrupted thus: 

Mr. Garrett (Dem. Tenn.) — Has the Postmaster General 
(Mr. Hays) ever stood a civil service examination? 
(Laughter). 

Mr. Williams — No. And while I have the highest respect 
for the distinguished gentlemen who constitute the Cabinet 
of the President, yet, in my opinion, if they had been re- 
quired to pass a civil service examination such as these 
rural carriers and fourth-class postmasters are required to 
pass, outside of Hughes and Hoover, none of them would 
have been able to get on the eligible list. (Laughter and 
applause.) 



G. O. P. DESTROYED FARMER'S MARKET 
By C. C. Isely 

(Organizer Great Southwest Association of Farmers) 

Australia and Argentina annually produce for export only 
about as much wheat as the single State of Kansas. But 
Russia, until war always a big factor, is still out of the 
game. The absence of her competition should have made 
an active market, especially for our food products. There 
is an active demand and not an oversupply, but the law of 
supply and demand has been abrogated by a fatuous inter- 
national fiscal policy that destroyed for the faiTner the ad- 
vantages accruing to him by the world demand. — New York 
World. 



A QUESTION OF CORPORATION'S SIZE 

The Republicans reduced the taxes of the Big Corporations 
over half a billion dollars. 

The Republicans increased the taxes of the Smaller Cor- 
porations 25 per cent. 



105 

SECRET LEASES HELPED OIL TRUST 

(Senator Kendrick of Wyoming) 

Within the last two or three weeks a detachment of 
United States marines marched into the Teapot oil field in 
Central Wyoming and unceremoniously ejected a drilling crew 
engaged in drilling an oil well upon a tract of land claimed 
under the mining law. This action, taken at the direction of 
the President, over the vigorous protest of the governor of 
the state that the Federal and state courts were functioning 
as usual, and that it was inexcusable to substitute armed 
force for the orderly process of the injuctive writ, has again 
directed attention to the disposition of naval reserve No. 3, 
tjiown as the Teapot Dome, under a lease secretly executed 
by the Secretary of the Interior (Fall) and the Secretary of 
the Navy (Denby) on April 7, 1922. . . . 

This contract cannot be justified in the minds of the people. 
It can be justified only by the insatiable greed of monopoly 
and I venture this prediction, if every other objection to this 
contract were removed, the secret method of its consummation 
is enough to condemn it in the mind of every citizen, and it 
will forever discredit the administration of this great de- 
partment; and, if it be defended by the national administra- 
tion, it will eventually plague and even damn that admin- 
istration. 



WHEN SENATORIAL TOGA IS A "DIRTY RAG." 

When the voters of a State go to their wardrobe and take 
from it the senatorial toga and drape it around the shoulders 
of one of their favorite sons, he is indeed honored; but when 
some rich man who aspires to that honor builds out of gold 
dollars a staiiway leading into that wardrobe and takes from 
it the senatorial toga, whether it is done by himself or by 
his millionaire friends, the toga is no longer a robe of honor. 
It is a dirty rag that disgraces him who wears it. — From 
Senator Pomerene's speech in the Nev/berry case. 



FOUR REPUBLICAN ISMS 



Newberryism. 
Daughertyism. 
Nat Goldsteinism. 
Reactionism. 



106 

PROFITEERS' TARIFF WILL OPPRESS THE MASSES 

(Senator Simmons of North Carolina) 

Its first effect will be oppressive to the masses; it will 
lead to wholesale monopolization of all the products of pro- 
tected industry; it will lead to those extortions which always 
follow unhampered monopoly, and we shall in the not distant 
future, if this legislative policy is adopted and be long con- 
tinued, have conditions similar to those which existed under 
the feudalism of the Middle Ages. . . . 

I hope I love my country; I hope my heart beats sympa- 
thetically for my fellow man; and because I love my country; 
because I sympathize with my fellow man, I am ready now, 
until this debate is ended, to dedicate every ounce of my 
strength and my energy to thwart, by fair and open means 
and fair and honest discussion, the impending calamity. 

I have studied the bill thoroughly, and the dangers which 
lie in it, some on the surface and some hidden, as I have 
pursued my investigation and study of it, have, I do not ex- 
aggerate when I say, appalled and shocked me, as they have 
shocked the great majority of the American people, who have 
come to understand what it really means and what it will do 
if enacted into law. 



STRIKES REDUCED UNDER DEMOCRATS 

Division in Labor Department Amicably Adjusted Industrial 
Disputes 

The Division of Conciliation of the Department of Labor, 
authorized by the Act creating the Department, is one of 
the most useful agencies established by the Democratic Ad- 
ministration of 1913-17. In the eight years from March, 
1913, to March, 1921, nearly 5,000 industrial disputes, in- 
volving some 3,500,000 workers, came before this Division 
for settlement. All but a few hundred of these cases were 
amicably adjusted either wholly by the Division itself or 
through cooperation on its part with state or other local 
authorities. 

Of the cases referred to the Division in the early stages 
of its existence 70 per cent were strikes. In the second 
Wilson Administration the strikes submitted to the Division 
were but 30 per cent of the whole number of disputes ad- 
justed. The value of this Division to workers, to employers, 
and to the general public is beyond estimation. 



G. O. P. Tariff Policy: A Tariff Bill for the Profiteers. 



107 

PROFITEERS' TARIFF TAXES CLOTHES AND PRICE 

TAGS 

(Senator Smith of South Carolina) 

Even on those commodities which we generally manufac- 
ture in large quantities, including every form of cloth, the 
duties have been raised, and now when we come to the little 
insignificant item of labels, which the makers of clothing use 
to indicate the maker, a duty has been piled upon them, so 
that the garments that the people wear, from the thread 
that goes in them to the label that is sewn in the lining, a 
burden of taxation has been added. . . . 

As a mountain is not made of rock but is made of sand 
particles and dirt particles, so the burden on the American 
people is made up of the taxes and profits on every little 
article, the aggregate of which spells the ruin and poverty 
of the American masses. Thank God this side of the Cham- 
ber (Democrats of the Senate) is not a party to any such in- 
sidious imposition. Surely Senators on the other side (Re- 
publican Senators) could let the labels go into a suit of 
clothes which a poor man purchases without this intolerable 
system of burdening up to the limit everything which he has 
to buy. 



REPUBLICANS OPPOSED FARMERS' BANKS 
(Representative Aswell of Louisiana) 

The gentleman from Ohio (Rep. Fess, Rep.), says the 
banking system is first class. Of course it is. It is a Demo- 
cratic creature. The only time you (Republicans) tried to 
change it was when you opposed the Democratic plan of 
adding $50,000,000. 

The record shows that the Democrats in this Chamber un- 
dertook to make it $50,000,000. Mr. Wingo (Dem. Ark.), 
made the motion, and the gentleman from Wyoming (Rep. 
Mondell, Republican leader), made a speech against it, and 
the gentleman from Ohio (Representative Fess, Rep.), joined 
the gentleman from Wyoming on the roll call and voted 
against the $50,000,000 and helped to vote it down to $25,- 
000,000 for the farm banks of this country. 



Republican Taxation Policy: Tax Reduction for the Buc- 
caneers. 



G. O. P. Tariff Policy: A Tariff Bill for the Profiteers. 



108 

UNDERWOOD LAW HELPED OUR FOREIGN 

COMMERCE 

(Senator King of Utah) 

The position of the Senator McLean (Rep. Conn.), doubtless 
is that under the Underwood law the American manufac- 
turers are being subjected to ruinous competition and that 
we are bearing the burdens of the world. Our exports ex- 
ceed our imports and have done so ever since the Underwood 
law was enacted. Otir enormous exports have been due 
largely to the fact that we did receive imports. In other 
words, there was trade between the United States and other 
nations. We exported the products of which we had a sur- 
plus and received in part payment therefor products which 
we needed and of which our vendees had a surplus. 

Since the passage of the Underwood law the wealth of the 
United States increased from one hundred and eighty-seven 
to more than three hundred billions. It is true that after 
the Republicans came into power there was a great reduc- 
tion in the wealth of our country. 



TARIFF WARS ON GERMANY 

(Senator Hitchcock of Nebraska) 

I am directing my thought to an attack on this bill because 
it is framed with the idea of starting a commercial war on 
Germany, to prevent Germany from selling us her goods, 
when the very thing we ought to do is to encourage Ger- 
many to sell her goods in order that we may sell our prod- 
ucts to Germany. Germany has not gold with which to pay; 
Germany can only pay in products, and we ought not to erect 
a barrier to German commerce as is proposed by this bill. 
I am directing my attention now to showing that even from 
the Senator's (McLean, Rep. Conn.) standpoint there is no 
danger of German competition because it is bound to diminish 
in the future as Germany withdraws her subsidies and Ger- 
man wages rise, as they are rising. 



PROTECTION VS LABOR 

(Fordney-McCumber Tariif Bill) 

Protection $6,341,699,209, Wages $4,159,155,551, Protection 
over wages $2,182,543,658 — From pamphlet on Senate Tariff 
Bill by A. S. Hough. 



G. O. P. Tariff Policy: A Tariff Bill for the Profiteers. 



109 . 

BILLIONS OF PEOPLE'S MONEY TO SHIPOWNERS 

Democratic House Minority Shows Purpose of Ship Bonus Bill 

This is the summing up in the report made by the Demo- 
cratic Minority on the Ship Subsidy bill after a careful 
scrutiny of all its provisions and implications: 

1. Our Government-owned merchant tonnaee cost the 
people about $3,000,000,000. It is estimated that we will 
probably sell the ships for $200,000,000. Consequently the 
people will stand a loss by deflation of $2,800,000,000. Fur- 
thermore, it is contemplated that either existing: shipping 
companies or companies to be organized, who buy the ships, 
will capitalize the ships largely in excess of their cost to 
them, and sell the stock and bonds to the American people — 
so that the people will be standing the war inflation, the 
Bost-war deflation, and then the promotion inflation. 

The people, through their Government, will sell the ships 
for approximately $20,000,000, lend $125,000 000 to recondi- 
tion those ships or build others, and then pav the owners 
approximately S750,000.000 in subsidies and aids within the 
next 10 years. In other words, we will be giving the ships 
away and paying the recipients over $500,000,000 to operate 
them for the next 10 years, with the chances that- such bur- 
dens will thereafter continue indefinitely and probably in- 
crease, if this policy is once fastened upon this Govern- 
ment. 

2. That this bill provides for a loan to shipowners of a 
revolving fund of $125,000,000, such to be loaned at 2 per 
cent interest and for 15 years at a time, and up to two- 
thirds the cost of the ships upon which the loans are to be 
made, although the average life of a ship is estimated at 20 
years; whereas, even under the Federal Farm Loan system 
farmers are compelled to pay about 6 per cent interest, and 
are not allowed to borrow more than 50 per cent of the 
market value of their farms, which constitute permanent 
security. 

3. That this bill exempts shipowners from the pavment 
of all Federal taxes provided the amount which would other- 
wise be payable as taxes is invested or set aside for invest- 
ment in new ship construction. 

4. That it is not even claimed by the proponents of this 
bill that the people will obtain any cheaper ocean freight 
rates, and that the bill does not pretend to provide for 
any sort of regulation of such rates: on the other hand. 
Chairman Lasker at the hearings called attention to the 
fact that by reason of the provision authorizing a deduction 



110 
from net income taxes of 5 per cent of the freigh,t paid 
on goods imported or exported in American vessels, an im- 
porter or exporter could afford to pay 4 per cent more for 
the carriage of his goods on American vessels than they 
would be carried on foreign vessels and still save 1 per cent. 

5. That this bill authorizes the Shipping Board to make 
contracts for the payment of subsidies for a period of 10 
years from the date of making contract, this being admit- 
tedly for the purpose of preventing a repeal of the act by 
subsequent Congresses. 

6. That, instead of the Shipping Board coming to Congress 
each year for necessary appropriations to carry out the pro- 
visions of the bill, as all other departments of the Govern- 
ment are required to do, this bill is so framed as to avoid 
this, it directing the Secretary of the Treasury to credit to 
the merchant marine fund certain receipts, and "all moneys 
in the fund are hereby permanently appropriated for the pur- 
pose of making such payments" of voyage subsidies "upon 
N^ouchers signed by the chairaian of the board." 

7. That this bill confers upon the Shipping Board the most 
autocratic and unprecedented powers with respect to selling 
ships, making loans, making subsidy contracts, and handling 
enormous sums of -money ever conferred upon any board, 
and yet the Shipping Board is feverishly employing every 
conceivable means to obtain such powers and opportunities. 

8. That this bill does not require the Shipping Board to 
make any report or accounting to the President, to the Con- 
gress, or anybody else at any time. 

9. That most of the American steamship lines which are 
seeking and would receive the subsidies and other aids 
maintain an unnecessarily large force of high-paid execu- 
tives, their salaries running as high as $100,000 a year, not 
only greater than the salary of the President of the United 
States but ' out of all proportion to salaries paid in any 
other industry, especially considering the size and the amounts 
invested in the enterprises. The Seager Steamship Co. is 
a leading American line, organized in 1907 and having oper- 
ated A.merican-flag ships to various European ports in the 
sharpest competition in the world; John C. Seager, sr., the 
president of the company, is said to be the oldest and one 
of the most highly esteemed shipping men in New York 
John C. Seager, jr., the vice-president and treasurer of the 
company, in a recent interview published in the Nautical 
Gazette, declared: 

"Steamships purchased at the present time can be operatec 
at a profit; foreign owners are not losing money, and there 



Ill 

is no reason why an American owner can not make a profit 
with his ships. The most potent factor militating against 
the successful operation of American ships is the large 
overhead, which is incurred by the payment of large salaries 
to unnecessary executives. With few exceptions in Britain, 
there are no large salaries paid to steamship men in Europe, 
and if this example were followed in this country the balance 
sheets of the industry would make a better showing." 

10. That this bill authorizes the granting of subsidies and 
all other aids to the Standard Oil Co., the United States 
Steel Corporation, and other large concerns which own and 
operate their own ships in the transportation of their own 
products, and does not require them to operate their ships 
in whole or in part as common carriers. 

EWIN L. DAVIS. 

RUFUS HARDY. 

WILLIAM B. BANKHEAD. 
We are in substantial accord with the foregoing report, 
and express our opposition to the bill. 

S. O. BLAND. 

CLAY STONE BRIGGS. 



REPUBLICAN RULE HAS BROUGHT DISASTER 

(Senator Harrison of Mississippi) 

The American people are beginning to realize that they 
have been deceived. Three years of Republican control of 
Congress and one year of Harding administration have 
brought concrete examples of the disastrous consequences of 
Republican rule. Men who cried aloud against Wilson and - 
Democratic policies now beat their breasts in anguish as they 
cry aloud for the return of Democratic prosperity and those 
blessings which attended Democratic supremacy. 



TARIFF LOBBYISTS GOT WHAT THEY WANTED ' 

(Senator Simmons of North Carolina) 

I say that no such boon at the expense of a great people 
was ever conferred upon a special class as that conferred 
by this bill upon the special interests which came before the 
(Senate Finance) Committee and stayed there mth their 
lobbyists and their experts and their accountants until they 
got exactly what they wanted written into the bill. 



112 



What the Profiteers' Tariff BiU Gives Its 

Beneficiaries, and What it Will Cost the 

American Consumer 

Articles Taxed Amount of Protec- Annual Cost to 

tion Consumer 

Sugar $105,000,000 $210,000,000 

Meats and Fish 200,000,000 400,000,000 

Woolen Goods 300,000,000 550,000,000 

Hosiery & Knit Goods 289,000;000 578,000,000 

Corsets .'. 29,000,000 58,000,000 

Cotton Manufactures ... 580,000,000 850,000,000 

Silks - 274,000,000 548,000,000 

Pressed and Blown 

Glassware 31,000,000 02,000,000 

Aluminum ware 23,000,000 46,000,000 

Copper and Brass 

ware 352,000,000 700,000,000 

Hardware (all kinds) 44,000,000 88,000,000 

Stamped and Enamel- 
ed ware 47,000,000 94,000,000 

Brick, Tile,, Terra 

Cotta, Etc - 30,000,000 70,000,000 

Electrical Machinery, 

Apparatus & Supplies 290,000,000 580,000,000 

Window Glass 35,000,000 70,000,000 

Cutlery and Edge 

Tools 43,000,000 86,000,000 

Structural Iron 18,000,000 36,000,000 

Sewing Machines and 

Parts 10,000,000 30,000,000 

Children's Toys and 

Games 12,000,000 24,000,000 

$2,712,000,000 $5,080,000,000 



113 



BUDGET ACT A DEMOCRATIC MEASURE 
Republicans Falsely Claim Credit for It After Delaying 
It Nearly a Year 
The Budget legislation is claimed as the greatest 
first-year achievement of the Republican administra- 
tion. And yet this entire legislation was conceived 
and framed under the Wilson administration in re- 
sponse to his urgent recommendation in 1916. The 
Democrats, except for the war, would then have en- 
acted it. The Republican Congress, after long delay, 
was practically forced to pass it in 1920, and after 
President V/ilson vetoed it in order to eliminate an 
imconstitutional provision, the Republican Congress 
ignored his request for its immediate passage, but 
held it up for nearly a year in order that the new ad- 
ministration might falsely claim credit for the entire 
accomplishment. The truth is, this administration has 
simply put into operation the product of its predeces- 
sor, and thus far the budget, due to incompetent ad- 
ministration, has failed to function in most essential 
respects. 



BEWARE OF REPUBLICAN DECEPTION AND MIS- 
REPRESENTATION^ 

There is a Concrete Example by the Chairman of the Repub- 
lican National Committee 

The Republicans are pursuing the same policy of attempted 
deception, misrepresentation and downright falsehood which 
they practised in the campaign of 1920. One of the best 
concrete evidences of an attempt to mislead the public is 
found in a statement by John T. Adams, Chairman of the 
Republican National Committee, and broadcasted by that 
committee in the form of a leaflet. Chairman Adams says: 

"When the Republican administration took charge of the 
Government there was a national bonded indebtedness of 
$23,000,000,000 with an annual interest charge of over $1,- 
000,000,000. This was an increase of 2,300 per cent in the 
public indebtedness compared with 1913, when the Democratic 
administration took charge of the Government. In 1913 the 
total public indebtedness was less than the interest charges 
at the close of the Democratic administration. Within the 
last 16 months the public indebtedness has been reduced by 



114 

$700,000,000, and a very appreciable per cent of the indebted- 
ness has been refunded at a lower rate of interest." 

Not a word about the war. 

Not a word about the reduction in the national debt of 
$2,500,000,000 by the Democratic administration between the 
Armistice and March 4, 1921. 

Not a word about the immense revenues derived by the 
Government from the sale of war supplies and material. 

Not a word about the sacred cause which necessitated the 
expenditure of this sum of money, nearly half of which was 
in the form of a loan to European nations. 

Commenting upon this attempt to deceive the public by 
presuming it to be hopelessly ignorant, The Worl(Vs Work, 
September issue, has this to say under the head of "Publicity 
of Questionable Value:" 

"The more interesting question is just what Mr. A.dams 
himself has in mind in calling attention to these very fami- 
liar figures. Does be believe that the expenditure itself was 
unjustified; that is, that the United States should never have 
taken part in the war ? This is the most charitable explana- 
tion for this kind of publicity work; the only other explana- 
tion is that it represents an attempt to lead astray public 
sentiment which is grotesque not only in the proportion of 
the misstatement thus sent broadcast but in its assumption 
of a condition of public ignorance which does not exist." 

f 

MISUSE OF TAXING POWER DEFINED 

(Senator Underwood of Alabama) 

I belong to that school of thought which believes that the 
legislative body, the Congress of the United States, has no 
constitutional right — I might go on further and say no moral 
right — to use the taxing power of this great Government for 
the purposes of building up fortunes or tearing them down. 
I am just as much opposed to the idea of so levying a tax 
under the guise of protecting American industry, so the 
great mass of the American people must contribute out of 
their pockets money to build up a special industry, and 
make a few rich, as I am of extending the power of taxation 
so far that it confiscates the property of the individual and 
accomplishes by the power and force of taxtion what the 
communism of Russia has accomplished by a red flag. 



Four Republican Isms: Newberryism— Daughertyism- 
Nat Goldsteinism — Reactionism. 



115 
BRIEF HISTORY OF REPUBLICAN DEFLATION 

it followed "Commercial Isolation" and Helped to Wreck 
Agriculture and Business 

Farmers and business men, particularly farmers, have 
made bitter protest against the drastic deflation of the cur- 
rency at a time when they were most in need of financial aid. 
The policy of drastic deflation of the currency is wholly a 
Republican policy, and is in no way chargeable to the Federal 
Reserve Bank system, but only to a misuse of the power of 
the Federal Reserve Board. 

It should be remembered, however, that the injury to 
agriculture and other industries and business was begun by 
the Republican policy of commercial isolation and obstruction 
to the Democratic reconstruction programme resulting in the 
destruction of our foreign markets, and the tremendous re- 
duction in foreign trade. 

The Republican policy of drastic deflation of the currency, 
following upon the heels of the Republican policy of com- 
mercial isolation only added to the great injury already done 
to our great basic industry of agriculture, which suffered 
most of all. 

Whatever of wrongful or harmful deflation, with the con- 
sequent injury to industry and business, particularly agri- 
culture, has been practised, is chargeable entirely to the 
Republican party. Drastic deflation of the currency was a 
concerted Republican policy, put into effect with regard to 
the injury that might and did result. 

To begin with the Republican national platform of 1920 
among other things said: 

"We pledge ourselves to an earnest and consistent attack 
upon the high cost of living by rigorous avoidance of further 
inflation in our Government borrowing and by courageous 
and intelligent deflation of our over-expanded credit and 
currency." 

The Republican Senate on May 17, 1920, adopted a resolu- 
tion introduced by Senator McCormick (Rep. 111.) as follows: 

"Resolved, that the Federal Reserve Board be directed to 
advise the Senate what steps it proposes to take or to recom- 
mend to the member banks of the Federal Reserve System 
to meet the existing inflation in currency and credit and the 
consequent high prices, and what further steps it proposes 
to take or recommend to mobilize credits in order to move 
the 1920 crops." 

Mr. Harding, the Republican nominee for President, in his 
speech of acceptance July 22, 1920, said: 



116 

"Gross expansion of currency and credit have depreciated 
the dollar. . . . Deflation on the one hand and restoration of 
the 100-cent dollar on the other ought to have begun on the 
day after the Armistice. . . . We pledge that earnest and 
consistent attack which the party platform covenants. We 
will attempt intelligent and courageous deflation and strike 
at Government borrowing, which enlarges the evil." 

Senator Jones of New Mexico in a speech in the Senate 
called attention to the sequence of events in the Republican 
policy of drastic deflation as follows; 

"In 1919- a trust company tied up the Federal Farm Loan 
banks in the Supreme Court so they could no longer function. 

**In the spring of 1920 Congress passed an amendment to 
the Federal Reserve Banking act empowering the Federal 
Reserve Board to rediscount the rate. 

"Then followed in turn the McCormick resolution, the Re- 
publican National Convention, and Harding's speech of ac- 
ceptance after which the policy of deflation was begun. 

"The Democratic party in its platform of 1920 warned the 
country of what all the signs indicated, saying: 

" 'One vital danger against which the American people 
should keep constantly on guard is the commitment of this 
^Federal Reserve) system to partisan enemies who strug- 
gled against its adoption and vainly attempted to retain in 
the hands of speculative bankers a monopoly of the currency 
credits of the nation. Already there are signs of an assault 
upon the vital principles of the system in the event of Re- 
publican success in the elections in November.* " 

Senator Jones gave the history of what followed in these 
words: 

"Between May 28, 1920, and January 25, 1922, there was a 
contraction of credits by the Federal Reserve Banks amount- 
ing to $2,005,149,000 and a contraction of Federal Reserve 
notes in circulation amounting to $923,029,000 — a grand total 
of nearly three billions of dollars, or $30 per capita for the 
entire population of the country. 

"The result is that wages were brought down and are still 
being brought down. 

"The prices of farm products and of land were brought 
down and are still being brought down. 

"But the prices of the things the fanner and wage-earners 
have to buy, being controlled by trusts and monopolies, still 
remain far above the pre-war level." 



G. O. P. Political Policy : Senate Seats for the Auctioneers. 



117 



G. O. P. FOUGHT FARMERS' RELIEF 

Democrats and Agricultural Bloc Forced Bills for 

Which Administration Claims Credit 

The Republican administration now affects pride in 
certain legislation for the temporary benefit of agricul- 
ture, such as the revival of the Federal Finance Cor- 
poration, the Packer bill, the Grain Exchange Regula- 
tion bill and the Cooperative Marketing bill. The gos- 
pel truth is that not one of these measures was on the 
programme of this administration. It never contem- 
plated any special relief for the farmer, except a tariff 
nostrum. It did nothing during the spring and summer 
of 1921 while millions of farmers were going into 
bankruptcy. The Democrats as a whole and certain 
western Republicans furnished the votes that compelled 
the recognition and passage of these measures late in 
the summer of 1921. The farm bloc, composed of some 
of these same Democrats and Republicans, sponsored 
the measures. President Harding, members of his Cab- 
inet, and other old guard leaders have fought the farm 
bloc from the beginning. And yet, the administration, 
after having been driven, kicked, and clubbed into 
the position of acquiescing in the passage of these 
measures, now cooly boasts of them as its own achieve- 
ments. 



PROFITEERS INVENT GHOST OF GERMAN COMPETI- 
TION 

(Senator Jones of New Mexico) 

The imports from Germany (to this country) are only about 
ne-third of what they were before the war. Germany is 
truggling today as never in her history to regain her own 
usiness, to restore her destroyed industries. The Senator 
Watson, Rep. Ind.) must know that. Every informed person 
I the United States does know it and the business and the 
eople of the United States are acting on that information, 
sting on that understanding, but for the purpose of fumish- 
ig an excuse — not a reason but an excuse — for imposing 
lese high taxes upon impoii;s we are continually confronted 
Y this German ghost. 



118 
SHIPPING BOARD EXTRAVAGANCE 

Discussing the extravagance of the Shipping Board, Rep- 
resentative Thomas W. Harrison of Virginia, read into the 
Congressional Record a list of employees and present sala- 
ries, of that organization, which summarized are as follows: 

United States Shipping Board and Emergency Fleet Corp- 
oration Combined — Number of Employees and Present Salary. 

2 $35,000 49 6,000 

1 80,000 1 5,600 

2 _ 25,000 5 5,500 

7 „ - 12,000 5 5,400 

15 _ .: 11,000 43 „...- 5,000 

1 „ 10,800 18 4,800 

19 10,000 46 4,500 

1 _ 9,500 61 4,200 

7 9,000 8 - 4,140 

8 8,500 18 4,000 

2 „ 8.000 79 3,900 

2 _ 7,800 142 3,600 

29 7,500 6 -....- 3,500 

1 .._ „ 7,200 74 -....- 3,300 

1 7,000 1 3,180 

7 _ 6,500 1 - 3,120 

The names and nature of employment of each are con- 
tained in the Congressional Record of January 21, 1922. 



SHIP SUBSIDIES WONT CREATE MERCHANT MARINE 

(Senator Fletcher of Florida) 

The vision of a merchant marine coming out of this bill 
is a deceptive mirage. It is a false light. It means wreck- 
age. The end will be what tlie Shipping Board apparently 
would enjoy as they sit in their offices and draw their sala 
ries, relieved of the burden of these ships, beholding th( 
American merchant marine on their walls, "painted shipj 
on a painted ocean." 



G. O. P. Merchant Marine Policy: A Ship Subsidy for th 
Privateers. 



Abe Martin says: Joe Lark bought a pair of shoes toda 
with some money he had left from the Wilson administratioi 



119 

ORIGIN OF ROBBER PROTECTIVE TARIFF 

(Rep. Marvin Jones of Texas) 

In the early part of the eighth century a band of maraud- 
ers under a leader by the name of Tarif crossed the straits 
of Africa and landed on the southern shores of Spain. His 
band was held together by the spoils of conquest. The 
horde consisted of Moors, Berbers, Syrians, Africans and a 
few Arabs, all bent on plunder. They were Mohammendans, 
and were in a sense the vanguard of the followers of Islam 
in their westward swing, but cared less for their religion 
than for booty. Tarif plundered the country and established 
a little seaport town, Tarifa, which, with its old Moorish 
walls, to this day perpetuates the name and memory of the 
leader of this motley aggregation of robbers and conquerors. 
Tarif, later reinforced by his superior, Tarik, and his chief, 
Musa, overran a great deal of Spain. This baron lived in a 
chateau that was feudal in its magnificence, and in plundering 
fashion levied certain duties on all commxerce that came 
through or approached the town of Tarifa. He made all the 
people who toiled pay tribute to him as a sort of robber 
ruler. The gleaming sword was his collecting agency, and 
he would hold up ship and caravan in piratical fashion and 
make them pay tribute to sustain his conquest and luxury. 

From that town Tarifa, which was named after the prince- 
ly Tarif, the English word "tariff" is taken. The name arose 
in heathenism. It meant forced contribution of the many to 
the few. How fitting that a policy which finds its consum- 
mation in this bill should have had such an origin. 

For centuries the Moor remained in charge of the Prov- 
inces of Cadiz and Andalusia and the seaport town of Tarifa 
and levied their toll upon commerce. Much was the wealth 
and m.any the trophies they sent to the Caliph. Their chiefs 
increased in wealth, in insolent power. They lived in regal 
splendor, but they were riding to their fall. In 1292 the 
Christians, under Guademus, reclaimed these Provinces, and ■ 
although the Moors tried repeatedly to recapture Tarifa and 
these rich Provinces and to regain their power to live from 
the fruits of other men's toil, they could not succeed. Two 
centuries later they were driven out of Spain. 

The privileged classes in this country have grown rich 
behind the tariff wall. They h^ve overrun the country and 
levied tribute from all to enrich the few. They have built 
their "castles in Spain" and their summer homes in Florida. 
PJmboldened by their success, they are endeavoring to get 



120 
behind the highest protective rates in all history. But, like 
the Moors of the centuries that are gone, they are riding to 
their fall. The great heart of America is just and the people 
v/ill again assert their rights and reclaim their land and 
Democratic equality shall again flourish in tliis great free 
country. 



AND STILL THE REPUBLICAN DEFICIT GROWS 
(Senator Harrison of Mississippi) 

Of course, we knew you Republicans were going to bungle 
the Budget, but we did not know to what extent you would 
do it. I want to call the attention of the Senate to a letter 
that came to the chairman of the Finance Committee yester- 
day, from the Secretary of the Treasury, in which the Secre- 
tary said that the estimates of $167,000,000 deficit for the 
fiscal year 1923 have increased now under the alleged splen- 
did management of the new administration to $484,000,000, 
and that will be the amount of the deficit for the coming 
fiscal year. 

Of course, there may be another mistake in that estimate. 
It may be more than this amount when the ti-ue facts are 
known, AnyA\'^ay, the Secretary of the Treasury says now 
the estimate of $167,000,000 was all wrong and it has been 
increased to $484,000,000 as the amount of the deficit and he 
lays it largely to the falling off of the income tax. I think 
that is true. There is depression everywhere. Nobody is 
making any money, scarcely, imder the promised prosperity 
under this administration. So it is perfectly natural that in- 
comes should be greatly diminished. 

You who have been laying and may in the future lay large 
claims of savings should study the deficits and remember 
this report of the Secretary of the Treasuiy. 



This deficit of $484,000,000 reported it April has grown at 
the rate of nearly $50,000,000 a month, according to the most 
recent information. The New York Herald, a Republican 
paper, published on September 5, 1922, an article in which it 
was stated that actuaries of the Treasury had submitted to 
Secretary Mellon a report which disclosed that the deficit 
for 1923 would be $700 000,000. 

It was explained, according to the Herald, that the increase 
in the amount of the deficit was due, among other things, 
to larger expenses in the Veterans' Bureau and to a decline 
in the volume of Treasury receipts from income and profits 
taxes. 



121 



DEMOCRATIC TAX REDUCTION FOR ALL 

It is the policy of the Democratic party to conduct a 
vigorous campaign for the equitable reduction of taxa- 
tion not only in the nation, but through th^e state or- 
ganizations, for equitable reductions in state and local 
taxes. 



SIAMESE TWINS OF TRADE 
(Senator Underwood of Alabama) 

I saw a cartoon in the paper the other day which showed 
Siamese twins fastened together by nature for life, their 
bodies grown together, their hands tied behind their backs, 
marching to the block of the executioner, who stood there 
with his red gown and his mask on his face, preparing to 
execute the one called "Imports," and some one rose in the 
audience and said, "These are Siamese twins. EjII one, and 
you kill the other." 

So it is mth our imports and our exports today; they are 
Siamese twins. We cannot export our goods to foreign 
countries unless we are paid for them, and we cannot receive 
any pay unless we allow some products from other countries 
to come in here. Therefore when we seek by this bill to kill 
importation entirely on every competitive product, as you 
do, in the end you are going to kill exportation, because 
there will be nothing to pay for the exported material. 



SURRENDER OF TAXING POWER TO PRESIDENT 
THREATENS PEOPLE'S UBERTIES 

(Senator Walsh of Montana) 

No emergency, however grave, can justify the surrender 
into the hands of the President of the taxing power entrusted 
by the people to their representatives in Congress, no matter 
how profound may be his statesmanship or how exalted may 
be the character of the man who for a brief period may be 
elevated to that high office. If this encroachment upon the 
liberties of the people is either sanctioned or condoned, there 
is no man wise enough nor prescient enough to foresee the 
ultimate consequences. 



Abe Martin says: Sam Lomax broke his back trying to 
shoulder a dollar's worth of Harding oats. 



122 

REPUBLICAN OFFICIALS HELPED SUGAR TRUST 

BROWBEAT CUBA 

(Senator Harrison of Mississippi) 

I care not how black the ink may be that stains that page 
which I have revealed to the Senate; it is not as black as 
that which was used in what was to follow. When Cuba re- 
sented this proposal made by General Crowder, through Sena- 
tor Smooth (Rep. Utah) to have that Government restrict its 
crop to two and one-half million tons, upon the sordid con- 
sideration of a reduction of rates from 1.6 cents to 1.4 cents 
a pound, when it was turned down, these sugar beet in- 
terests — these infants — which my friend from Colorado 
(Senator Nicholson, Rep.) says need a little more milk to 
sustain them, which are just beginning to walk, and need 
more sustenance in the form of tariff protection, did not stop. 

What did they do? The plan was to get together and do 
indirectly what Cuba had refused to do, and what Congress 
had failed to do. . . . Thwarted and defeated in their plan 
to have Cuba accept the Smoot proposal, these interests, ap- 
parently hungry to extract from the American sugar con- 
sumers larger profits, it is said joined in an infamous scheme 
to make the Cuban producer pay $14,000,000 over to the 
same interests who sought to be protected. I say to make 
Cuban interests to pay it. Why, of course, eventually it 
would come out of the American sugar consumer. 



SCANDAL FOLLOWS RANK INJUSTICE 

(Senator Caraway of Arkansas) 

I am calling attention today to three of these men's repu- 
tations. I do that that the country may know their character 
when they read their statements. I would like to have the 
country know also what was the effect of this great "moral" 
upheaval in the Treasury, in the Bureau of Engraving and 
Printing. I want the country to know these three men [who 
were appointed to positions made vacant when former officials 
were dismissed without charges or warning], one dismissed 
from the service for being a gambler and bookmaker, two of 
them being sued by their wives on statutory charges and for 
cruelty and neglect — these three men who have been put in 
charge of more than 2,000 white women, many of them young 
girls. I do not think any comment is necessary. 



In 1920 it was "Harding or bust" — ^now it is both. 



123 

G. O. P. SMELLING COMMITTEES' FAILURES 

Attempt To Discredit Democratic Conduct of War Resulted In 
Nothing 

Something like a millian words of the English language, 
a million dollars of the people's taxes and many months of 
precious time were consumed by two score of "smelling com- 
mittees" of the last Republican Congress in a vain attempt 
to discredit the Democratic Administration's conduct of the 
war. The Republican Attorney General is even now spend- 
ing $500,000 in the same quest. 

These "smelling committees" were bent on the discovery 
of graft in the manufacture, purchase, handling and disposal 
of war materials and of incompetence in the managem.ent of 
the country's affairs generally under Democratic rule. The 
Republicans in Congress showed more zeal and industry in 
this hunt for scandal than they displayed in any other under- 
taking. 

The Democrats opposed no obstacle to these Republican 
inquiries. The offices, books, files, records, officials and' em- 
ployes of the various departments under investigation were 
put at their command and they were left free to summon 
any or all of the officers of the Army and the Navy. One 
man whose testimony would have set at rest the idle and ma- 
licious talk of graft and incompetency in the Army in France 
was never called. That was General Pershing, generally re- 
garded as a Republican. The "smelling committees" feared 
the evidence he would give would not serve their purpose. 
He offered to testify and was in Washington while the "in- 
vestigations" were in progress, but the Republicans never 
sought his information. 

The numerous costly "investigations" uncovered no frauds 
or scandals, resulted in no arrests or even in a recommenda- 
tion for the punishment of any official of the Democratic 
Administration or of the Army or the Navy. There was 
revealed no culpable waste of money, materials or time in 
the prosecution of the war, and no legislation to correct any 
abuse, default or misconduct on the part of any Department 
or official was ever proposed. Beginning as a scheme to 
besmirch the Democratic Administration, these "smelling 
committees" ended in giving an involuntary tribute to the 
cleanness and efficiency of that Administration. 

When charges of corruption were made against the Bureau 
of Aircraft Production, President Wilson promptly invited 
Charles E. Hughes, Republican candidate for the presidency 



124 

in 1916, and now Secretary of State, to make an investigation 
and gave every facility for getting the facts. Mr. Hughes 
criticized certain persons and methods in the Bureau and 
recommended that one military official be courtmartialed. 
This was done, but the court acquitted the officer of every 
charge of wrongdoing. 

Brigadier General Charles G. Dawes, Purchasing Agent 
for the American Expeditionary Force, had official charge of 
the buying and disbursement of vast quantities of munitions 
and materials for the Army in France. General Dawes is 
the late Director of President Harding's Bureau of the Bud- 
get, which is supposed to be enforcing economy, efficiency and 
honesty in Government expenditures! 



DEMOCRATIC PROSPERITY VS. REPUBLICAN 
PROSTRATION 

(Senator King of Utah) 

Business men are discouraged and will not incur the 
hazards following extensive borrowing for improvements and 
developments. Men having money to loan are afraid to in- 
vest in corporate securities or stocks in industrial plants. 
The Republican party has thrown the entire country into a 
panic, and those who have money for investment compete 
for securities which are tax exempt. This has brought 
municipal and State and National bonds to high levels. 

Instead of there being competition for business investments, 
there is competition only for tax-exempt securities and for 
jobs by the hungry and starving workingmen. If the Re- 
publican party is to be credited with the rise in Liberty 
Bonds, it must be credited with the fall in agricultural lands 
and products. 

When the Democrats were in control of the executive and 
legislative branches of the Government cattle and sheep and 
all kinds of agricultural products possessed value, and their 
production and sale brought prosperity to the farmer and 
to the livestock men. The manufacturers, and, indeed, all 
classes, have seen their property values vanish, the laborer 
has seen his wages reduced, the owners of industrial stocks 
have seen them in many instances wiped out. These con- 
ditions have occurred under the present administration. 

It is time for an appraisement of Republican rule. The 
people are awakening, the verdict will be against the party 
in power. 



THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE 1922 



Officers 



CoRDELL Hull... 



Chairman 

J. Bruce Kremer Vice-Chairman 

Samuel B. Amidon ..Vice-Chairman 

Miss Charl Williams Vice-Chairman 

Wilbur W. Marsh Treasurer 

Burt New Executive Secretary 

Richard Linthicum Director of Publicity 

Harrison Nesbit Chairman Finance Committee 

Mrs. Emily Newell Blair Hesident Committeewoman 



State 



National Com- 
mitteemen 
Alabama _ Walter L. Moore, 

Birmingham 
Arizona „..W. L. Bamum, 

Phoenix 
Arkansas Vincent M. Miles, 

Fort Smith 
California Isidore B. Dockweiler, 

Los Angeles 

Colorado Miles G. Saunders, 

Pueblo 
Connecticut Homer S. Cummings, 

Stamford 

Delaware Andrew C. Gray, 

Wilmington 
Florida _ J. T. G. Crawford, 

Jacksonville 
Georgia (Clark Howell, 

Atlanta 
Idaho _ (Robert H. Elder, 

Coeur d'Alene 
Illinois _ Chas. Boeschenstein, 

Edwardsville 
Indiana Chas. A. Greathouse, 

Indianapolis 
Iowa _ Wilbur W. Marsh, 

Waterloo 
Kansas...... Samuel B. Amidon, 

Wichita 



National Committee- 

ivomen 
Mrs. John D. McNeel, 

Birmingham 
Mrs. B. J. McKinney, 

Tucson 
Mrs. James D. Head, 

Texarkana 
Mrs. Chas. F. Dono- 
hoe, 

Oakland 
Mrs. Gertrude A. Lee, 

Denver 
Miss Caroline Ruutz- 
Rees, 

Greenwich 
Miss Lena Evans, 

Newark 
Mrs. Lois E. Mayes, 

Pensacola 
Mrs. F. I. Mclntire, 

Savannah 
Teresa M. Graham, 
Coeur d'Alene 
Mrs. A. L. Smith, 

Chicago 
Mrs. Bessie L. Riggs, 

Sullivan 
Miss A. B. Lawther, 

Dubuque 
Mrs. Florence Gardi- 
ner Farley 

Wichita 



126 

Kentucky Johnson N. Camden, 

Versailles 
Louisiana Samuel B. Hicks 

Shreveport 
Maine D. J. McGillicuddy 

Lewiston 

Maryland -John W. Smith, 

Snow Hill 

Massachusetts Edward W. Quinn, 

Cambridge 
Michigan _ Judge Wm. F. Con- 
nolly, 

Detroit 
Minneso ta Howard Everett, 

St. Paul 
Mississippi Oscar G. Johnson, 

Clarksdale 



Missouri... 



Edward F. Goltra, 
St. Louis 



Montana J. Bruce Kremer, 

Butte 
Nebraska W. H. Thompson, 

Grand Island 
Nevada. Samuel Pickett, 

Reno 
New Hampshire Robert C. Murchie, 

Concord 
New Jersey Robert S. Hudspeth, 

Jersey City 

New Mexico Arthur Seligman, 

Santa Fe 
New York Norman E. Mack, 

Buffalo 



North Caroliyia. 

North Dakota... 
Ohio : 



Angus W. McLean, 
Washington, D. C. 

H. H. Perry, 

EUendale 
(George White, 

Marietta 



Mrs. J. C. Cantrill 

Washington, D. C. 
Mrs. J. E. Friend 

New Orleans 
Mrs. Gertrude M. 
Pattangall, 

Augusta 
Mrs. Julia Hamilton 
Briscoe, 

Hagerstown 
Mrs. M. F. Sullivan, 

Fall River 
Mrs. L. C. Boltwood, 

Grand Rapids 

Mrs. Peter Olesen, 

Cloquet 
Miss Henrietta Mit- 
chell, 

Jackson 
Mrs. Emily Newell 
Blair, 

Joplin 
Mrs. R. R. Purcell, 

Helena 
Dr. Jennie Callfas, 

Omaha 
Mrs. James D. Finch, 

Reno 
Dorothy B. Jackson, 

Concord 
Mrs. James J. Billing- 
ton, 

Jersey City 
Mrs. W. F. Kirby, 

Tucumcari 
Miss Elisabeth Mar- 
bury, 

New York 
Miss Mary O. Gra- 
ham, 

Raleigh 
Mrs. S. Johnson, 

Grand Forks 
Mrs. Bernice S. Pyke. 

Cleveland 



127 

Oklahoma George L. Bowman, 

Kingfisher 

Oregon Dr. J. W. Morrow, 

Portland 

Pennsylvania -Joseph F. Guffey, 

Pittsburgh 
Rhode Island Patrick H. Quinn, 

Providence 
South Carolina.John Gary Evans, 

Spartanburg 
South Dakota James Mee, 

Centerville 
Tennessee Cordell Hull, 

Carthage 
Texas Thomas B. Love, 

Dallas 
Utah - James H. Moyle, 

Salt Lake 
Vermont. Frank H. Duffy, 

Rutland 
Virginia Carter Glass, 

Lynchburg 

Washington A. R. Titlow 

Tacoma 
West Virginia....C. W. Osenton, 

Fayetteville 

Wisconsin Joseph Martin, 

Green Bay 
Wyoming P. J, Quealy, 

Kemmerer 
Alaska -L. J. Donohoe, 

Cordova 
Dist. of Col John F. Costello, 

Washington 

Hawaii. —John H. Wilson, 

Honolulu 



Philippines -Robert E. Manly, 

Naga Camerines 

Porto Rico -Henry W. Dooley, 

San Juan 

Canal Zone M. A, Otero, 



Mrs. D. A. McDougal, . 

Sapulpa 
Mrs. Rose G. Schief- 
felin, 

Medford 
Miss Mary Archer, 

Reading 
Mrs. R. E. Newton, 

Providence 
Mrs. Leroy Springs, 

Lancaster 
Mrs. William Hickey, 

Sioux Falls 
Miss Charl Williams, 

Memphis 

Mrs. Weston Vernon 

Logan 
Mrs. C. M. Brislin, 

Rutland 
Mrs. Beverly H. Mun- 
ford, 

Richmond 
Mrs. E. D. Christian, 

Spokane 
Mrs. Rose McGraw de 
Berriz, 

Grafton 
Mrs. Gertrude Bowler, 

Sheboygan 
Mrs. R. D. Hawley, 

Douglas 
Mrs. John W. Troy, 

Juneau 
Mrs. Thomas F. 
Walsh, 

Washington 
Mrs. L. L. McCand- 
less, 

Honolulu 



Miss Edmonia Martin, 

San Juan 
M'rs. D. F. Reeder, 



128 



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1922 

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LBS 78 



Republican ^^Great Achievements" 

What are They and Where are They? Questions for Voters 

Republican candidates and hired speakers pretend to boast 
during the present campaign of so-called "great achieve- 
ments." Many questions in this connection will arise in the 
minds of the voters. 

Do you find these "achievements" in any appreciable lessen- 
ing of the burdens of taxation? 

Do you find them in the outrageous high tariff bill, whose 
beneficiaries are expected to subscribe vast sums to the Re- 
publican campaign fund? 

Do you find them in the still high level of the cost of living ? 

Do you find them in the solution of the unemployment 
problems ? 

Do you find them in the crime wave of the last two years ? 

Do you find them in the miners' strikes, the railroad strikes, 
the textile mill strikes, and many other strikes ? 

Do you find them in the low price of farm products, which 
have been growing lower under the so-called Farmers' 
Emergency Tariff Bill? 

Do you find them in the far higher prices farmers must pay 
for all they buy, compared with the prices of farm products? 

Do you find them in the great slump in industry at home 
and in our commerce abroad ? 

Do you find them in our great merchant marine floating 
idly in the docks for lack of foreign trade, which has been 
destroyed by the Republican doctrine of commercial isolation ? 

Do you find them in the spurious claim of economy, which 
has not been evidenced by any corresponding reduction of 
taxes, and with a Treasury deficit of near five hundred mil- 
lion dollars facing the government during this fiscal year? 

Do you find them in any sign of sound, stable business con- 
ditions ? 

Do you find them in anything that resembles an intelligent 
foreign policy in any part of the world, or in any intelligible 
domestic programme at home? 

These are only some of the questions that will arise in the 
mind of the voter during the campaign. 

Do You Want Another Republican Do-Nothing Congress? 



Republican Do-Nothing 
Congress 

(inside Testimonials) 



The legislative branch of our national government probably 
never has been at a lower ebb than it is today. — Secretary of War 
Weeks in Speech at Cleveland, Ohio, June 15, 1922. 

I have never known a time when the mental make-up of the 
House of Representatives was so low as it is today. — Representa- 
tive Julius Kahn (Rep.), Chairman of the House Committee on 
Military Affairs. 

I know the very serious condition that is prevailing throughout 
the land. I am only speaking the truth when I say that the 
people of this country employed in every vocation and in every 
character of business are giving this Congress hell. They are 
doing it because we have done nothing to stimulate business. They 
are doing it because we have done nothing to give employment 
to the unemployed. They are doing it because we have done 
nothing to benefit the farmer and stimulate the prices of the 
farmers' products. — Representative W. R. Wood (Rep. Ind.), 
Chairman Republican Congressional Campaign Committee, 1922. 

It is impossible to get anywhere in Congress and it is impossible 
to get a negative or affirmative declaration from the White House. 
Conditions just move along until we get into this hopeless and 
absolutely deplorable mess. — Senator William E. Borah (Rep., 
Idaho.). 

A cowardly and inept Congress. — Ohio State Journal (Rep.). 

Taken as a whole the House of Representatives as controlled by 
the Republican party, if judged by its record to date, is unworthy 
of another lease of life. — Boston Transcript (Rep.). 

It has probably never before happened in the history of Amer- 
ican politics that a party has been so entirely bereft of competent 
leadership as the Republican party has during the last four years. 
— New York Commercial (Rep.). 

At neither end of Pennsylvania Avenue (Capitol and White 
House) is there the least suggestion of a coherent policy. — New 
York Globe (Rep.). 

The Republican party has lost sympathetic contact with the 
business interests of the country. — Louis Seibold, Washington Cor- 
respondent, New York Herald (Rep.). 

I have voted the Republican ticket for fifty-five years and have 
made contributions whenever requested to the Republican party. 
I think the people are disgusted with the present performances of 
the Republican party . . . and the only way these Republicans, 
who are now drunk with power, can be disciplined is to elect 
Democratic Congressmen to office. — Charles M. Warner, (Rep.) 
President Warner Sugar Refining Company. 

I have been a Republican ever since I cast my first vote. How- 
ever, I shall not help to elect a Republican Congress next Novem- 
ber. . . . But first let me say that it will be impossible to 
elect a Republican Congress. The Republican party has failed to 
measure up to its responsibilities and the country knows it. — S. G. 
Rosenbaum, (Rep.) President National Suit and Cloak Co. 

Do You Want Another Republican Do-Nothing Congress? 



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